The law La ley La loi A lei Das gesetz


Frederic Bastiat

The law perverted! And the police powers of the state perverted along with it! The law, I say, not only turned from its proper purpose but made to follow an entirely contrary purpose! The law become the weapon of every kind of greed! Instead of checking crime, the law itself guilty of the evils it is supposed to punish!

If this is true, it is a serious fact, and moral duty requires me to call the attention of my fellow-citizens to it.

Life is a gift from God 


We hold from God the gift which includes all others. This gift is life—physical, intellectual, and moral life.

But life cannot maintain itself alone. The Creator of life has entrusted us with the responsibility of preserving, developing, and perfecting it. In order that we may accomplish this, He has provided us with a collection of marvellous faculties. And He has put us in the midst of a variety of natural resources. By the application of our faculties to these natural resources we convert them into products, and use them. This process is necessary in order that life may run its appointed course.

Life, faculties, production—in other words, individuality, liberty, property this is man. And in spite of the cunning of artful political leaders, these three gifts from God precede all human legislation, and are superior to it.

Life, liberty, and property do not exist because men have made laws. On the contrary, it was the fact that life, liberty, and property existed beforehand that caused men to make laws in the first place. 

What is law? 


What, then, is law? It is the collective organisation of the individual right to lawful defence.
Each of us has a natural right—from God-—to defend his person, his liberty, and his property. These are the three basic requirements of life, and the preservation of any one of them is completely dependent upon the preservation of the other two. For what are our faculties but the extension of our individuality? And what is property but an extension of our faculties?

If every person has the right to defend even by force—his person, his liberty, and his property, then it follows that a group of men have the right to organise and support a common force to protect these rights constantly. Thus the principle of collective right—its reason for existing, its lawfulness—is based on individual right. And the common force that protects this collective right cannot logically have any other purpose or any other mission than that for which it acts as a substitute. Thus, since an individual cannot lawfully use force against the person, liberty, or property of another individual, then the common force for the same reason-cannot lawfully be used to destroy the person, liberty, or property of individuals or groups.

Such a perversion of force would be, in both cases, contrary to our premise. Force has been given to us to defend our own individual rights. Who will dare to say that force has been given to us to destroy the equal rights of our brothers? Since no individual acting separately can lawfully use force to destroy the rights of others, does it not logically follow that the same principle also applies to the common force that is nothing more than the organised combination of the individual forces?

If this is true, then nothing can be more evident than this: The law is the organisation of the natural right of lawful defence. It is the substitution of a common force for individual forces. And this common force is to do only what the individual forces have a natural and lawful right to do: To protect persons, liberties, and properties; to maintain the right of each, and to cause justice to reign over us all.

A just and enduring government 


If a nation were founded on this basis, it seems to me that order would prevail among the people, in thought as well as in deed. It seems to me that such a nation would have the most simple, easy to accept, economical, limited, non-oppressive, just, and enduring government imaginable—whatever its political form might be.

Under such an administration, everyone would understand that he possessed all the privileges as well as all the responsibilities of his existence. No one would have any argument with government, provided that his person was respected, his labour was free, and the fruits of his labour were protected against all unjust attack. When successful, we would not have to thank the state for our success. And, conversely, when unsuccessful, we would no more think of blaming the state for our misfortune than would the farmers blame the state because of hail or frost. The state would be felt only by the invaluable blessings of safety provided by this concept of government.

It can be further stated that, thanks to the non-intervention of the state in private affairs, our wants and their satisfactions would develop themselves in a logical manner. We would not see poor families seeking literary instruction before they have bread. We would not see cities populated at the expense of rural districts, nor rural districts at the expense of cities. We would not see the great displacements of capital, labour, and population that are caused by legislative decisions.

The sources of our existence are made uncertain and precarious by these state-created displacements. And, furthermore, these acts burden the government with increased responsibilities.

The complete perversion of the law 


But, unfortunately, law by no means confines itself to its proper functions. And when it has exceeded its proper functions, it has not done so merely in some inconsequential and debatable matters. The law has gone further than this; it has acted in direct opposition to its own purpose. The law has been used to destroy its own objective: It has been applied to annihilating the justice that it was supposed to maintain; to limiting and destroying rights which its real purpose was to respect. The law has placed the collective force at the disposal of the unscrupulous who wish, without risk, to exploit the person, liberty, and property of others. It has converted plunder into a right, in order to protect plunder. And it has converted lawful defence into a crime, in order to punish lawful defence.

How has this perversion of the law been accomplished? And what have been the results?

The law has been perverted by the influence of two entirely different causes: Stupid greed and false philanthropy. Let us speak of the first. 

A fatal tendency of mankind 


Self-preservation and self-development are common aspirations among all people. And if everyone enjoyed the unrestricted use of his faculties and the free disposition of the fruits of his labour, social progress would be ceaseless, uninterrupted, and unfailing.

But there is also another tendency that is common among people. When they can, they wish to live and prosper at the expense of others. This is no rash accusation. Nor does it come from a gloomy and uncharitable spirit. The annals of history bear witness to the truth of it: The incessant wars, mass migrations, religious persecutions, universal slavery, dishonesty in commerce, and monopolies. This fatal desire has its origin in the very nature of man in that primitive, universal, and insuppressible instinct that impels him to satisfy his desires with the least possible pain. 

Property and plunder 


Man can live and satisfy his wants only by ceaseless labour; by the ceaseless application of his faculties to natural resources. This process is the origin of property.

But it is also true that a man may live and satisfy his wants by seizing and consuming the products of the labour of others. This process is the origin of plunder.

Now since man is naturally inclined to avoid pain-and since labour is pain in itself—it follows that men will resort to plunder whenever plunder is easier than work. History shows this quite clearly. And under these conditions, neither religion nor morality can stop it.

When, then, does plunder stop? It stops when it becomes more painful and more dangerous than labour. It is evident, then, that the proper purpose of law is to use the power of its collective force to stop this fatal tendency to plunder instead of to work. All the measures of the law should protect property and punish plunder.

But, generally, the law is made by one man or one class of men. And since law cannot operate without the sanction and support of a dominating force, this force must be entrusted to those who make the laws.

This fact, combined with the fatal tendency that exists in the heart of man to satisfy his wants with the least possible effort, explains the almost universal perversion of the law. Thus it is easy to understand how law, instead of checking injustice, becomes the invincible weapon of injustice. It is easy to understand why the law is used by the legislator to destroy in varying degrees among the rest of the people, their personal independence by slavery, their liberty by oppression, and their property by plunder. This is done for the benefit of the person who makes the law, and in proportion to the power that he holds. 

Victims of lawful plunder 


Men naturally rebel against the injustice of which they are victims. Thus, when plunder is organised by law for the profit of those who make the law, all the plundered classes try somehow to enter—by peaceful or revolutionary means—into the making of laws. According to their degree of enlightenment, these plundered classes may propose one of two entirely different purposes when they attempt to attain political power: Either they may wish to stop lawful plunder, or they may wish to share in it.

Woe to the nation when this latter purpose prevails among the mass victims of lawful plunder when they, in turn, seize the power to make laws!

Until that happens, the few practice lawful plunder upon the many, a common practice where the right to participate in the making of law is limited to a few persons. But then, participation in the making of law becomes universal. And then, men seek to balance their conflicting interests by universal plunder. Instead of rooting out the injustices found in society, they make these injustices general. As soon as the plundered classes gain political power, they establish a system of reprisals against other classes. They do not abolish legal plunder. (This objective would demand more enlightenment than they possess.) Instead, they emulate their evil predecessors by participating in this legal plunder, even though it is against their own interests.

It is as if it were necessary, before a reign of justice appears, for everyone to suffer a cruel retribution-some for their evilness, and some for their lack of understanding.

The results of legal plunder 


It is impossible to introduce into society a greater change and a greater evil than this: The conversion of the law into an instrument of plunder.

What are the consequences of such a perversion? It would require volumes to describe them all. Thus we must content ourselves with pointing out the most striking.
In the first place, it erases from everyone’s conscience the distinction between justice and injustice.

No society can exist unless the laws are respected to a certain degree. The safest way to make laws respected is to make them respectable. When law and morality contradict each other, the citizen has the cruel alternative of either losing his moral sense or losing his respect for the law. These two evils are of equal consequence, and it would be difficult for a person to choose between them.

The nature of law is to maintain justice. This is so much the case that, in the minds of the people, law and justice are one and the same thing. There is in all of us a strong disposition to believe that anything lawful is also legitimate. This belief is so widespread that many persons have erroneously held that things are “just” because law makes them so. Thus, in order to make plunder appear just and sacred to many consciences, it is only necessary for the law to decree and sanction it. Slavery, restrictions, and monopoly find defenders not only among those who profit from them but also among those who suffer from them.

The fate of non-conformists 


If you suggest a doubt as to the morality of these institutions, it is boldly said that “You are a dangerous innovator, a utopian, a theorist, a subversive; you would shatter the foundation upon which society rests.”

If you lecture upon morality or upon political science, there will be found official organisations petitioning the government in this vein of thought: “That science no longer be taught exclusively from the point of view of free trade (of liberty, of property, and of justice) as has been the case until now, but also, in the future, science is to be especially taught from the viewpoint of the facts and laws that regulate French industry (facts and laws which are contrary to liberty, to property, and to justice). That, in government-endowed teaching positions, the professor rigorously refrain from endangering in the slightest degree the respect due to the laws now in force.”

Thus, if there exists a law which sanctions slavery or monopoly, oppression or robbery, in any form whatever, it must not even be mentioned. For how can it be mentioned without damaging the respect which it inspires? Still further, morality and political economy must be taught from the point of view of this law; from the supposition that it must be a just law merely because it is a law.

Another effect of this tragic perversion of the law is that it gives an exaggerated importance to political passions and conflicts, and to politics in general. I could prove this assertion in a thousand ways. But, by way of illustration, I shall limit myself to a subject that has lately occupied the minds of everyone: Universal suffrage.

Who shall judge? 


The followers of Rousseau’s school of thought—who consider themselves far advanced, but whom I consider twenty centuries behind the times—will not agree with me on this. But universal suffrage—using the word in its strictest sense—is not one of those sacred dogmas which it is a crime to examine or doubt. In fact, serious objections may be made to universal suffrage.

In the first place, the word universal conceals a gross fallacy. For example, there are 36 million people in France. Thus, to make the right of suffrage universal, there should be 36 million voters. But the most extended system permits only 9 million people to vote. Three persons out of four are excluded. And more than this, they are excluded by the fourth. This fourth person advances the principle of incapacity as his reason for excluding the others. Universal suffrage means, then, universal suffrage for those who are capable. But there remains this question of fact: Who is capable? Are minors, females, insane persons, and persons who have committed certain major crimes the only ones to be determined incapable?

The reason why voting is restricted 


A closer examination of the subject shows us the motive which causes the right of suffrage to be based upon the supposition of incapacity. The motive is that the elector or voter does not exercise this right for himself alone, but for everybody.

The most extended elective system and the most restricted elective system are alike in this respect. They differ only in respect to what constitutes incapacity. It is not a difference of principle, but merely a difference of degree.

If, as the republicans of our present-day Greek and Roman schools of thought pretend, the right of suffrage arrives with one’s birth, it would be an injustice for adults to prevent women and children from voting. Why are they prevented? Because they are presumed to be incapable. And why is incapacity a motive for exclusion? Because it is not the voter alone who suffers the consequences of his vote; because each vote touches and affects everyone in the entire community; because the people in the community have a right to demand some safeguards concerning the acts upon which their welfare and existence depend.

The answer is to restrict the law 


I know what might be said in answer to this; what the objections might be. But this is not the place to exhaust a controversy of this nature. I wish merely to observe here that this controversy over universal suffrage (as well as most other political questions) which agitates, excites, and overthrows nations, would lose nearly all of its importance if the law had always been what it ought to be.

In fact, if law were restricted to protecting all persons, all liberties, and all properties; if law were nothing more than the organised combination of the individual’s right to self defence; if law were the obstacle, the check, the punisher of all oppression and plunder—is it likely that we citizens would then argue much about the extent of the franchise?

Under these circumstances, is it likely that the extent of the right to vote would endanger that supreme good, the public peace? Is it likely that the excluded classes would refuse to peaceably await the coming of their right to vote? Is it likely that those who had the right to vote would jealously defend their privilege?

If the law were confined to its proper functions, everyone’s interest in the law would be the same. Is it not clear that, under these circumstances, those who voted could not inconvenience those who did not vote?

The fatal idea of legal plunder 


But on the other hand, imagine that this fatal principle has been introduced: Under the pretence of organisation, regulation, protection, or encouragement, the law takes property from one person and gives it to another; the law takes the wealth of all and gives it to a few—whether farmers, manufacturers, shipowners, artists, or comedians. Under these circumstances, then certainly every class will aspire to grasp the law, and logically so.

The excluded classes will furiously demand their right to vote and will overthrow society rather than not to obtain it. Even beggars and vagabonds will then prove to you that they also have an incontestable title to vote. They will say to you:

“We cannot buy wine, tobacco, or salt without paying the tax. And a part of the tax that we pay is given by law—in privileges and subsidies—to men who are richer than we are. Others use the law to raise the prices of bread, meat, iron, or cloth. Thus, since everyone else uses the law for his own profit, we also would like to use the law for our own profit. We demand from the law the right to relief, which is the poor man’s plunder. To obtain this right, we also should be voters and legislators in order that we may organise Beggary on a grand scale for our own class, as you have organised Protection on a grand scale for your class. Now don’t tell us beggars that you will act for us, and then toss us, as Mr. Mimerel proposes, 600,000 francs to keep us quiet, like throwing us a bone to gnaw. We have other claims. And anyway, we wish to bargain for ourselves as other classes have bargained for themselves!”

And what can you say to answer that argument! 

Perverted law causes conflict 


As long as it is admitted that the law may be diverted from its true purpose—that it may violate property instead of protecting it—then everyone will want to participate in making the law, either to protect himself against plunder or to use it for plunder. Political questions will always be prejudicial, dominant, and all-absorbing. There will be fighting at the door of the Legislative Palace, and the struggle within will be no less furious. To know this, it is hardly necessary to examine what transpires in the French and English legislatures; merely to understand the issue is to know the answer.

Is there any need to offer proof that this odious perversion of the law is a perpetual source of hatred and discord; that it tends to destroy society itself? If such proof is needed, look at the United States.

 There is no country in the world where the law is kept more within its proper domain: The protection of every person’s liberty and property. As a consequence of this, there appears to be no country in the world where the social order rests on a firmer foundation. But even in the United States, there are two issues—and only two—that have always endangered the public peace.

Slavery and tariffs are plunder 


What are these two issues? They are slavery and tariffs. These are the only two issues where, contrary to the general spirit of the republic of the United States, law has assumed the character of a plunderer.

Slavery is a violation, by law, of liberty. The protective tariff is a violation, by law, of property. It is a most remarkable fact that this double legal crime—a sorrowful inheritance from the Old World—should be the only issue which can, and perhaps will, lead to the ruin of the Union. It is indeed impossible to imagine, at the very heart of a society, a more astounding fact than this: The law has come to be an instrument of injustice. And if this fact brings terrible consequences to the United States—where the proper purpose of the law has been perverted only in the instances of slavery and tariffs—what must be the consequences in Europe, where the perversion of the law is a principle; a system?

Two kinds of plunder 


Mr. de Montalembert adopting the thought contained in a famous proclamation by Mr. Carlier, has said: “We must make war against socialism.” According to the definition of socialism advanced by Mr. Charles Dupin, he meant: “We must make war against plunder.”

But of what plunder was he speaking? For there are two kinds of plunder: Legal and illegal.

I do not think that illegal plunder, such as theft or swindling which the penal code defines, anticipates, and punishes can be called socialism. It is not this kind of plunder that systematically threatens the foundations of society. Anyway, the war against this kind of plunder has not waited for the command of these gentlemen. The war against illegal plunder has been fought since the beginning of the world. Long before the Revolution of February 1848—long before the appearance even of socialism itself—France had provided police, judges, gendarmes, prisons, dungeons, and scaffolds for the purpose of fighting illegal plunder. The law itself conducts this war, and it is my wish and opinion that the law should always maintain this attitude toward plunder.

The law defends plunder 


But it does not always do this. Sometimes the law defends plunder and participates in it. Thus the beneficiaries are spared the shame, danger, and scruple which their acts would otherwise involve. Sometimes the law places the whole apparatus of judges, police, prisons, and gendarmes at the service of the plunderers, and treats the victim—when he defends himself—as a criminal. In short, there is a legal plunder, and it is of this, no doubt, that Mr. de Montalembert speaks.

This legal plunder may be only an isolated stain among the legislative measures of the people. If so, it is best to wipe it out with a minimum of speeches and denunciations—and in spite of the uproar of the vested interests.

How to identify legal plunder 


But how is this legal plunder to be identified? Quite simple. See if the law takes from some persons what belongs to them, and gives it to other persons to whom it does not belong. See if the law benefits one citizen at the expense of another by doing what the citizen himself cannot do without committing a crime.

Then abolish this law without delay, for it is not only an evil itself, but also it is a fertile source for further evils because it invites reprisals. If such a law—which may be an isolated case—is not abolished immediately, it will spread, multiply, and develop into a system.

The person who profits from this law will complain bitterly, defending his acquired rights. He will claim that the state is obligated to protect and encourage his particular industry; that this procedure enriches the state because the protected industry is thus able to spend more and to pay higher wages to the poor workingmen.

Do not listen to this sophistry by vested interests. The acceptance of these arguments will build legal plunder into a whole system. In fact, this has already occurred. The present-day delusion is an attempt to enrich everyone at the expense of everyone else; to make plunder universal under the pretence of organising it.

Legal plunder has many names 


Now, legal plunder can be committed in an infinite number of ways. Thus we have an infinite number of plans for organising it: Tariffs, protection, benefits, subsidies, encouragements, progressive taxation, public schools, guaranteed jobs, guaranteed profits, minimum wages, a right to relief, a right to the tools of labour, free credit, and so on, and so on. All these plans as a whole—with their common aim of legal plunder—constitute socialism.

Now, since under this definition socialism is a body of doctrine, what attack can be made against it other than a war of doctrine? If you find this socialistic doctrine to be false, absurd, and evil, then refute it. And the more false, the more absurd, and the more evil it is, the easier it will be to refute. Above all, if you wish to be strong, begin by rooting out every particle of socialism that may have crept into your legislation. This will be no light task.

Socialism is legal plunder 


Mr. de Montalembert has been accused of desiring to fight socialism by the use of brute force. He ought to be exonerated from this accusation, for he has plainly said: “The war that we must fight against socialism must be in harmony with law, honour, and justice.”

But why does not Mr. de Montalembert see that he has placed himself in a vicious circle? You would use the law to oppose socialism? But it is upon the law that socialism itself relies. Socialists desire to practice legal plunder, not illegal plunder. Socialists, like all other monopolists, desire to make the law their own weapon. And when once the law is on the side of socialism, how can it be used against socialism? For when plunder is abetted by the law, it does not fear your courts, your gendarmes, and your prisons. Rather, it may call upon them for help.

To prevent this, you would exclude socialism from entering into the making of laws? You would prevent socialists from entering the Legislative Palace? You shall not succeed, I predict, so long as legal plunder continues to be the main business of the legislature. It is illogical—in fact, absurd—to assume otherwise.

The choice before us 


This question of legal plunder must be settled once and for all, and there are only three ways to settle it: 

  1. The few plunder the many.
  2. Everybody plunders everybody.
  3. Nobody plunders anybody.

We must make our choice among limited plunder, universal plunder, and no plunder. The law can follow only one of these three.

Limited legal plunder: This system prevailed when the right to vote was restricted. One would turn back to this system to prevent the invasion of socialism.

Universal legal plunder: We have been threatened with this system since the franchise was made universal. The newly enfranchised majority has decided to formulate law on the same principle of legal plunder that was used by their predecessors when the vote was limited.

No legal plunder: This is the principle of justice, peace, order, stability, harmony, and logic. Until the day of my death, I shall proclaim this principle with all the force of my lungs (which alas! is all too inadequate).

The proper function of the law 


And, in all sincerity, can anything more than the absence of plunder be required of the law? Can the law—which necessarily requires the use of force—rationally be used for anything except protecting the rights of everyone? I defy anyone to extend it beyond this purpose without perverting it and, consequently, turning might against right. This is the most fatal and most illogical social perversion that can possibly be imagined. It must be admitted that the true solution—so long searched for in the area of social relationships—is contained in these simple words: Law is organised justice.

Now this must be said: When justice is organised by law—that is, by force—this excludes the idea of using law (force) to organise any human activity whatever, whether it be labour, charity, agriculture, commerce, industry, education, art, or religion. The organising by law of any one of these would inevitably destroy the essential organisation—justice. For truly, how can we imagine force being used against the liberty of citizens without it also being used against justice, and thus acting against its proper purpose?

False philanthropy 


Here I encounter the most popular fallacy of our times. It is not considered sufficient that the law should be just; it must be philanthropic. Nor is it sufficient that the law should guarantee to every citizen the free and inoffensive use of his faculties for physical, intellectual, and moral self-improvement. Instead, it is demanded that the law should directly extend welfare, education, and morality throughout the nation.

This is the seductive lure of socialism. And I repeat again: These two uses of the law are in direct contradiction to each other. We must choose between them. A citizen cannot at the same time be free and not free.

Enforced fraternity destroys liberty 


Mr. De Lamartine once wrote to me thusly: “Your doctrine is only the half of my program. You have stopped at liberty; I go on to fraternity.” I answered him: “The second half of your program will destroy the first.”

In fact, it is impossible for me to separate the word fraternity from the word voluntary. I cannot possibly understand how fraternity can be legally enforced without liberty being legally destroyed, and thus justice being legally trampled underfoot.

Legal plunder has two roots: One of them, as I have said before, is in human greed; the other is in false philanthropy.

At this point, I think that I should explain exactly what I mean by the word plunder.

Plunder violates ownership 


I do not, as is often done, use the word in any vague, uncertain approximate, or metaphorical sense. I use it in its scientific acceptance—as expressing the idea opposite to that of property.

 When a portion of wealth is transferred from the person who owns it—without his consent and without compensation, and whether by force or by fraud—to anyone who does not own it, then I say that property is violated; that an act of plunder is committed.

I say that this act is exactly what the law is supposed to suppress, always and everywhere. When the law itself commits this act that it is supposed to suppress, I say that plunder is still committed, and I add that from the point of view of society and welfare, this aggression against rights is even worse. In this case of legal plunder, however, the person who receives the benefits is not responsible for the act of plundering. The responsibility for this legal plunder rests with the law, the legislator, and society itself. Therein lies the political danger.

It is to be regretted that the word plunder is offensive. I have tried in vain to find an inoffensive word, for I would not at any time—especially now—wish to add an irritating word to our dissension. Thus, whether I am believed or not, I declare that I do not mean to attack the intentions or the morality of anyone. Rather, I am attacking an idea which I believe to be false; a system which appears to me to be unjust; an injustice so independent of personal intentions that each of us profits from it without wishing to do so, and suffers from it without knowing the cause of the suffering.

Three systems of plunder 


The sincerity of those who advocate protectionism, socialism, and communism is not here questioned. Any writer who would do that must be influenced by a political spirit or a political fear. It is to be pointed out, however, that protectionism, socialism, and communism are basically the same plant in three different stages of its growth. All that can be said is that legal plunder is more visible in communism because it is complete plunder; and in protectionism because the plunder is limited to specific groups and industries.

Thus it follows that, of the three systems, socialism is the vaguest, the most indecisive, and, consequently, the most sincere stage of development. 

Law is force 


Since the law organises justice, the socialists ask why the law should not also organise labour, education, and religion.

Why should not law be used for these purposes? Because it could not organise labour, education, and religion without destroying justice. We must remember that law is force, and that, consequently, the proper functions of the law cannot lawfully extend beyond the proper functions of force.

When law and force keep a person within the bounds of justice, they impose nothing but a mere negation. They oblige him only to abstain from harming others. They violate neither his personality, his liberty, nor his property. They safeguard all of these. They are defensive; they defend equally the rights of all.

Law is a negative concept 


The harmlessness of the mission performed by law and lawful defence is self-evident; the usefulness is obvious; and the legitimacy cannot be disputed.

As a friend of mine once remarked, this negative concept of law is so true that the statement, the purpose of the law is to cause justice to reign, is not a rigorously accurate statement. It ought to be stated that the purpose of the law is to prevent injustice from reigning. In fact, it is injustice, instead of justice, that has an existence of its own. Justice is achieved only when injustice is absent.

But when the law, by means of its necessary agent, force, imposes upon men a regulation of labour, a method or a subject of education, a religious faith or creed then the law is no longer negative; it acts positively upon people. It substitutes the will of the legislator for their own wills; the initiative of the legislator for their own initiatives. When this happens, the people no longer need to discuss, to compare, to plan ahead; the law does all this for them. Intelligence becomes a useless prop for the people; they cease to be men; they lose their personality, their liberty, their property.

Try to imagine a regulation of labour imposed by force that is not a violation of liberty; a transfer of wealth imposed by force that is not a violation of property. If you cannot reconcile these contradictions, then you must conclude that the law cannot organise labour and industry without organising injustice.

The political approach 


When a politician views society from the seclusion of his office, he is struck by the spectacle of the inequality that he sees. He deplores the deprivations which are the lot of so many of our brothers, deprivations which appear to be even sadder when contrasted with luxury and wealth.

Perhaps the politician should ask himself whether this state of affairs has not been caused by old conquests and looting, and by more recent legal plunder. Perhaps he should consider this proposition: Since all persons seek well-being and perfection, would not a condition of justice be sufficient to cause the greatest efforts toward progress, and the greatest possible equality that is compatible with individual responsibility? Would not this be in accord with the concept of individual responsibility which God has willed in order that mankind may have the choice between vice and virtue, and the resulting punishment and reward?

But the politician never gives this a thought. His mind turns to organisations, combinations, and arrangements—legal or apparently legal. He attempts to remedy the evil by increasing and perpetuating the very thing that caused the evil in the first place: Legal plunder. We have seen that justice is a negative concept. Is there even one of these positive legal actions that does not contain the principle of plunder?

The law And charity 


You say: “There are persons who have no money,” and you turn to the law. But the law is not a breast that fills itself with milk. Nor are the lacteal veins of the law supplied with milk from a source outside the society. Nothing can enter the public treasury for the benefit of one citizen or one class unless other citizens and other classes have been forced to send it in. If every person draws from the treasury the amount that he has put in it, it is true that the law then plunders nobody. But this procedure does nothing for the persons who have no money. It does not promote equality of income. The law can be an instrument of equalisation only as it takes from some persons and gives to other persons. When the law does this, it is an instrument of plunder.

With this in mind, examine the protective tariffs, subsidies, guaranteed profits, guaranteed jobs, relief and welfare schemes, public education, progressive taxation, free credit, and public works. You will find that they are always based on legal plunder, organised injustice. 

The law and education 


You say: “There are persons who lack education,” and you turn to the law. But the law is not, in itself, a torch of learning which shines its light abroad. The law extends over a society where some persons have knowledge and others do not; where some citizens need to learn, and others can teach. In this matter of education, the law has only two alternatives: It can permit this transaction of teaching-and-learning to operate freely and without the use of force, or it can force human wills in this matter by taking from some of them enough to pay the teachers who are appointed by government to instruct others, without charge. But in this second case, the law commits legal plunder by violating liberty and property.

The law and morals 


You say: “Here are persons who are lacking in morality or religion,” and you turn to the law. But law is force. And need I point out what a violent and futile effort it is to use force in the matters of morality and religion?

It would seem that socialists, however self-complacent, could not avoid seeing this monstrous legal plunder that results from such systems and such efforts. But what do the socialists do? They cleverly disguise this legal plunder from others—and even from themselves—under the seductive names of fraternity, unity, organisation, and association. Because we ask so little from the law—only justice—the socialists thereby assume that we reject fraternity, unity, organisation, and association. The socialists brand us with the name individualist.

But we assure the socialists that we repudiate only forced organisation, not natural organisation. We repudiate the forms of association that are forced upon us, not free association. We repudiate forced fraternity, not true fraternity. We repudiate the artificial unity that does nothing more than deprive persons of individual responsibility. We do not repudiate the natural unity of mankind under Providence.

A confusion of terms 


Socialism, like the ancient ideas from which it springs, confuses the distinction between government and society. As a result of this, every time we object to a thing being done by government, the socialists conclude that we object to its being done at all.

We disapprove of state education. Then the socialists say that we are opposed to any education. We object to a state religion. Then the socialists say that we want no religion at all. We object to a state-enforced equality. Then they say that we are against equality. And so on, and so on. It is as if the socialists were to accuse us of not wanting persons to eat because we do not want the state to raise grain.

The influence of socialist writers 


How did politicians ever come to believe this weird idea that the law could be made to produce what it does not contain—the wealth, science, and religion that, in a positive sense, constitute prosperity? Is it due to the influence of our modern writers on public affairs? 

Present-day writers—especially those of the socialist school of thought—base their various theories upon one common hypothesis: They divide mankind into two parts. People in general—with the exception of the writer himself—form the first group. The writer, all alone, forms the second and most important group. Surely this is the weirdest and most conceited notion that ever entered a human brain!

In fact, these writers on public affairs begin by supposing that people have within themselves no means of discernment; no motivation to action. The writers assume that people are inert matter, passive particles, motionless atoms, at best a kind of vegetation indifferent to its own manner of existence. They assume that people are susceptible to being shaped—by the will and hand of another person—into an infinite variety of forms, more or less symmetrical, artistic, and perfected.

Moreover, not one of these writers on governmental affairs hesitates to imagine that he himself—under the title of organiser, discoverer, legislator, or founder—is this will and hand, this universal motivating force, this creative power whose sublime mission is to mould these scattered materials—persons—into a society.

These socialist writers look upon people in the same manner that the gardener views his trees. Just as the gardener capriciously shapes the trees into pyramids, parasols, cubes, vases, fans, and other forms, just so does the socialist writer whimsically shape human beings into groups, series, centres, sub-centres, honeycombs, labour-corps, and other variations. And just as the gardener needs axes, pruning hooks, saws, and shears to shape his trees, just so does the socialist writer need the force that he can find only in law to shape human beings. For this purpose, he devises tariff laws, tax laws, relief laws, and school laws.

The socialists wish to play god 


Socialists look upon people as raw material to be formed into social combinations. This is so true that, if by chance, the socialists have any doubts about the success of these combinations, they will demand that a small portion of mankind be set aside to experiment upon. The popular idea of trying all systems is well known. And one socialist leader has been known seriously to demand that the Constituent Assembly give him a small district with all its inhabitants, to try his experiments upon.

In the same manner, an inventor makes a model before he constructs the full-sized machine; the chemist wastes some chemicals, the farmer wastes some seeds and land—to try out an idea.

But what a difference there is between the gardener and his trees, between the inventor and his machine, between the chemist and his elements, between the farmer and his seeds! And in all sincerity, the socialist thinks that there is the same difference between him and mankind!

It is no wonder that the writers of the nineteenth century look upon society as an artificial creation of the legislator’s genius. This idea—the fruit of classical education—has taken possession of all the intellectuals and famous writers of our country. To these intellectuals and writers, the relationship between persons and the legislator appears to be the same as the relationship between the clay and the potter.

Moreover, even where they have consented to recognise a principle of action in the heart of man—and a principle of discernment in man’s intellect—they have considered these gifts from God to be fatal gifts. They have thought that persons, under the impulse of these two gifts, would fatally tend to ruin themselves. They assume that if the legislators left persons free to follow their own inclinations, they would arrive at atheism instead of religion, ignorance instead of knowledge, poverty instead of production and exchange.

The socialists despise mankind 


According to these writers, it is indeed fortunate that Heaven has bestowed upon certain men—governors and legislators—the exact opposite inclinations, not only for their own sake but also for the sake of the rest of the world! While mankind tends toward evil, the legislators yearn for good; while mankind advances toward darkness, the legislators aspire for enlightenment; while mankind is drawn toward vice, the legislators are attracted toward virtue. Since they have decided that this is the true state of affairs, they then demand the use of force in order to substitute their own inclinations for those of the human race.

Open at random any book on philosophy, politics, or history, and you will probably see how deeply rooted in our country is this idea – the child of classical studies, the mother of socialism. In all of them, you will probably find this idea that mankind is merely inert matter, receiving life, organisation, morality, and prosperity from the power of the state. And even worse, it will be stated that mankind tends toward degeneration, and is stopped from this downward course only by the mysterious hand of the legislator. Conventional classical thought everywhere says that behind passive society there is a concealed power called law or legislator (or called by some other terminology that designates some unnamed person or persons of undisputed influence and authority) which moves, controls, benefits, and improves mankind.

A defence of compulsory labour 


Let us first consider a quotation from Bossuet:

One of the things most strongly impressed [by whom?] upon the minds of the Egyptians was patriotism . . . No one way permitted to be useless to the state. The law assigned to each one his work, which was handed down from father to son. No one was permitted to have two professions. Nor could a person change from one job to another . . . But there was one task to which all were forced to conform: The study of the laws and of wisdom. Ignorance of religion and of the political regulations of the country was not excused under any circumstances. Moreover, each occupation was assigned [by whom?] to a certain district . . . Among the good laws, one of the best was that everyone was trained [by whom?] to obey them. As a result of this, Egypt was filled with wonderful inventions, and nothing was neglected that could make life easy and quiet. 

Thus, according to Bossuet, persons derive nothing from themselves. Patriotism, prosperity, inventions, husbandry, science—all of these are given to the people by the operation of the laws, the rulers. All that the people have to do is to bow to leadership.

A defence of paternal government 


Bossuet carries this idea of the state as the source of all progress even so far as to defend the Egyptians against the charge that they rejected wrestling and music. He said: “How is that possible? These arts were invented by Trismegistus.”

And again among the Persians, Bossuet claims that all comes from above: 

One of the first responsibilities of the prince was to encourage agriculture . . . Just as there were offices established for the regulation of armies, just so were there offices for the direction of farm work . . . The Persian people were inspired with an overwhelming respect for royal authority. 

And according to Bossuet, the Greek people, although exceedingly intelligent, had no sense of personal responsibility; like dogs and horses, they themselves could not have invented the most simple games: 

The Greeks, naturally intelligent and courageous, had been early cultivated by the kings and settlers who had come from Egypt. From these Egyptian rulers, the Greek people had learned bodily exercises, foot races, and horse and chariot races . . . But the best thing that the Egyptians had taught the Greeks was to become docile, and to permit themselves to be formed by the law for the public good. 

The idea of passive mankind 


It cannot be disputed that these classical theories held that everything came to the people from a source outside themselves. As another example, take Fenelon.

He was a witness to the power of Louis XIV. This, plus the fact that he was nurtured in the classical studies and the admiration of antiquity, naturally caused Fenelon to accept the idea that mankind should be passive; that the misfortunes and the prosperity—vices and virtues—of people are caused by the external influence exercised upon them by the law and the legislators. Thus, in his Utopia of Salentum, he puts men—with all their interests, faculties, desires, and possessions—under the absolute discretion of the legislator. Whatever the issue may be, persons do not decide it for themselves; the prince decides for them. The prince is depicted as the soul of this shapeless mass of people who form the nation. In the prince resides the thought, the foresight, all progress, and the principle of all organisation. Thus all responsibility rests with him.

The whole of the tenth book of Fenelon’s Telemachus proves this. I refer the reader to it, and content myself with quoting at random from this celebrated work to which, in every other respect, I am the first to pay homage.

Socialists ignore reason and facts 


With the amazing credulity which is typical of the classicists, Fenelon ignores the authority of reason and facts when he attributes the general happiness of the Egyptians, not to their own wisdom but to the wisdom of their kings: 

We could not turn our eyes to either shore without seeing rich towns and country estates most agreeably located; fields, never fallowed, covered with golden crops every year; meadows full of flocks; workers bending under the weight of the fruit which the earth lavished upon its cultivators; shepherds who made the echoes resound with the soft notes from their pipes and flutes. “Happy,” said Mentor, “is the people governed by a wise king . . .” Later, Mentor desired that I observe the contentment and abundance which covered all Egypt, where twenty-two thousand cities could be counted. He admired the good police regulations in the cities; the justice rendered in favour of the poor against the rich; the sound education of the children in obedience, labour, sobriety, and the love of the arts and letters; the exactness with which all religious ceremonies were performed; the unselfishness, the high regard for honour, the faithfulness to men, and the fear of the gods which every father taught his children. He never stopped admiring the prosperity of the country. “Happy,” said he, “is the people ruled by a wise king in such a manner.”

Socialists want To regiment people 


Fenelon’s idyl on Crete is even more alluring. Mentor is made to say: 

All that you see in this wonderful island results from the laws of Minos. The education which he ordained for the children makes their bodies strong and robust. From the very beginning, one accustoms the children to a life of frugality and labour, because one assumes that all pleasures of the senses weaken both body and mind. Thus one allows them no pleasure except that of becoming invincible by virtue, and of acquiring glory . . . Here one punishes three vices that go unpunished among other people: Ingratitude, hypocrisy, and greed. There is no need to punish persons for pomp and dissipation, for they are unknown in Crete . . . No costly furniture, no magnificent clothing, no delicious feasts, no gilded palaces are permitted. 

Thus does Mentor prepare his student to mould and to manipulate—doubtless with the best of intentions—the people of Ithaca. And to convince the student of the wisdom of these ideas, Mentor recites to him the example of Salentum. It is from this sort of philosophy that we receive our first political ideas! We are taught to treat persons much as an instructor in agriculture teaches farmers to prepare and tend the soil.

A famous name and an evil idea 


Now listen to the great Montesquieu on this same subject: 

To maintain the spirit of commerce, it is necessary that all the laws must favour it. These laws, by proportionately dividing up the fortunes as they are made in commerce, should provide every poor citizen with sufficiently easy circumstances to enable him to work like the others. These same Laws should put every rich citizen in such lowered circumstances as to force him to work in order to keep or to gain. 

Thus the laws are to dispose of all fortunes! 

Although real equality is the soul of the state in a democracy, yet this is so difficult to establish that an extreme precision in this matter would not always be desirable. It is sufficient that there be established a census to reduce or fix these differences in wealth within a certain limit. After this is done, it remains for specific laws to equalise inequality by imposing burdens upon the rich and granting relief to the poor. 

Here again we find the idea of equalising fortunes by law, by force. 

In Greece, there were two kinds of republics, One, Sparta, was military; the other, Athens, was commercial. In the former, it was desired that the citizens be idle; in the latter, love of labour was encouraged. Note the marvellous genius of these legislators: By debasing all established customs—by mixing the usual concepts of all virtues—they knew in advance that the world would admire their wisdom. Lycurgus gave stability to his city of Sparta by combining petty thievery with the soul of justice; by combining the most complete bondage with the most extreme liberty; by combining the most atrocious beliefs with the greatest moderation. He appeared to deprive his city of all its resources, arts, commerce, money, and defences. In Sparta, ambition went without the hope of material reward. Natural affection found no outlet because a man was neither son, husband, nor father. Even chastity was no longer considered becoming. By this road, Lycurgus led Sparta on to greatness and glory.

This boldness which was to be found in the institutions of Greece has been repeated in the midst of the degeneracy and corruption of our modern times. An occasional honest legislator has moulded a people in whom integrity appears as natural as courage in the Spartans.

Mr. William Penn, for example, is a true Lycurgus. Even though Mr. Penn had peace as his objective—while Lycurgus had war as his objective—they resemble each other in that their moral prestige over free men allowed them to overcome prejudices, to subdue passions, and to lead their respective peoples into new paths.

The country of Paraguay furnishes us with another example.

Now it is true that if one considers the sheer pleasure of commanding to be the greatest joy in life, he contemplates a crime against society; it will, however, always be a noble ideal to govern men in a manner that will make them happier.

Those who desire to establish similar institutions must do as follows: Establish common ownership of property as in the republic of Plato; revere the gods as Plato commanded; prevent foreigners from mingling with the people, in order to preserve the customs; let the state, instead of the citizens, establish commerce. The legislators should supply arts instead of luxuries; they should satisfy needs instead of desires.

A frightful idea 


Those who are subject to vulgar infatuation may exclaim: “Montesquieu has said this! So it’s magnificent! It’s sublime!” As for me, I have the courage of my own opinion. I say: What! You have the nerve to call that fine? It is frightful! It is abominable! These random selections from the writings of Montesquieu show that he considers persons, liberties, property—mankind itself—to be nothing but materials for legislators to exercise their wisdom upon. 

The leader of the democrats 


Now let us examine Rousseau on this subject. This writer on public affairs is the supreme authority of the democrats. And although he bases the social structure upon the will of the people, he has, to a greater extent than anyone else, completely accepted the theory of the total inertness of mankind in the presence of the legislators: 

If it is true that a great prince is rare, then is it not true that a great legislator is even more rare? The prince has only to follow the pattern that the legislator creates. The legislator is the mechanic who invents the machine; the prince is merely the workman who sets it in motion. 

And what part do persons play in all this? They are merely the machine that is set in motion. In fact, are they not merely considered to be the raw material of which the machine is made? Thus the same relationship exists between the legislator and the prince as exists between the agricultural expert and the farmer; and the relationship between the prince and his subjects is the same as that between the farmer and his land. How high above mankind, then, has this writer on public affairs been placed? Rousseau rules over legislators themselves, and teaches them their trade in these imperious terms: 

Would you give stability to the state? Then bring the extremes as closely together as possible. Tolerate neither wealthy persons nor beggars. If the soil is poor or barren, or the country too small for its inhabitants, then turn to industry and arts, and trade these products for the foods that you need . . . On a fertile soil—if you are short of inhabitants—devote all your attention to agriculture, because this multiplies people; banish the arts, because they only serve to depopulate the nation . . .

If you have extensive and accessible coast lines, then cover the sea with merchant ships; you will have a brilliant but short existence. If your seas wash only inaccessible cliffs, let the people be barbarous and eat fish; they will live more quietly perhaps better—and, most certainly, they will live more happily.

In short, and in addition to the maxims that are common to all, every people has its own particular circumstances. And this fact in itself will cause legislation appropriate to the circumstances.

This is the reason why the Hebrews formerly—and, more recently, the Arabs—had religion as their principle objective. The objective of the Athenians was literature; of Carthage and Tyre, commerce; of Rhodes, naval affairs; of Sparta, war; and of Rome, virtue. The author of The Spirit of Laws has shown by what art the legislator should direct his institutions toward each of these objectives . . . 

But suppose that the legislator mistakes his proper objective, and acts on a principle different from that indicated by the nature of things? Suppose that the selected principle sometimes creates slavery, and sometimes liberty; sometimes wealth, and sometimes population; sometimes peace, and sometimes conquest? This confusion of objective will slowly enfeeble the law and impair the constitution. The state will be subjected to ceaseless agitations until it is destroyed or changed, and invincible nature regains her empire. But if nature is sufficiently invincible to regain its empire, why does not Rousseau admit that it did not need the legislator to gain it in the first place? Why does he not see that men, by obeying their own instincts, would turn to farming on fertile soil, and to commerce on an extensive and easily accessible coast, without the interference of a Lycurgus or a Solon or a Rousseau who might easily be mistaken.

Socialists want forced conformity 


Be that as it may, Rousseau invests the creators, organisers, directors, legislators, and controllers of society with a terrible responsibility. He is, therefore, most exacting with them: 

He who would dare to undertake the political creation of a people ought to believe that he can, in a manner of speaking, transform human nature; transform each individual—who, by himself, is a solitary and perfect whole—into a mere part of a greater whole from which the individual will henceforth receive his life and being. Thus the person who would undertake the political creation of a people should believe in his ability to alter man’s constitution; to strengthen it; to substitute for the physical and independent existence received from nature, an existence which is partial and moral.

 In short, the would-be creator of political man must remove man’s own forces and endow him with others that are naturally alien to him. 

Poor human nature! What would become of a person’s dignity if it were entrusted to the followers of Rousseau? 

Legislators desire to mould mankind 


Now let us examine Raynal on this subject of mankind being moulded by the legislator: 

The legislator must first consider the climate, the air, and the soil. The resources at his disposal determine his duties. He must first consider his locality. A population living on maritime shores must have laws designed for navigation . . . If it is an inland settlement, the legislator must make his plans according to the nature and fertility of the soil . . . It is especially in the distribution of property that the genius of the legislator will be found. As a general rule, when a new colony is established in any country, sufficient land should be given to each man to support his family . . .

On an uncultivated island that yon are populating with children, you need do nothing but let the seeds of truth germinate along with the development of reason . . . But when you resettle a nation with a past into a new country, the skill of the legislator rests in the policy of permitting the people to retain no injurious opinions and customs which can possibly be cured and corrected. If you desire to prevent these opinions and customs from becoming permanent, you will secure the second generation by a general system of public education for the children. A prince or a legislator should never establish a colony without first arranging to send wise men along to instruct the youth . . .

In a new colony, ample opportunity is open to the careful legislator who desires to purify, the customs and manners of the people. If he has virtue and genius, the land and the people at his disposal will inspire his soul with a plan for society. A writer can only vaguely trace the plan in advance because it is necessarily subject to the instability of all hypotheses; the problem has many forms, complications, and circumstances that are difficult to foresee and settle in detail. 

Legislators told how to manage men 


Raynal’s instructions to the legislators on how to manage people may be compared to a professor of agriculture lecturing his students: “The climate is the first rule for the farmer. His resources determine his procedure. He must first consider his locality. If his soil is clay, he must do so and so. If his soil is sand, he must act in another manner. Every facility is open to the farmer who wishes to clear and improve his soil. If he is skilful enough, the manure at his disposal will suggest to him a plan of operation. A professor can only vaguely trace this plan in advance because it is necessarily subject to the instability of all hypotheses; the problem has many forms, complications, and circumstances that are difficult to foresee and settle in detail.”

Oh, sublime writers! Please remember sometimes that this clay, this sand, and this manure which you so arbitrarily dispose of, are men! They are your equals! They are intelligent and free human beings like yourselves! As you have, they too have received from God the faculty to observe, to plan ahead, to think, and to judge for themselves!

A temporary dictatorship 


Here is Mably on this subject of the law and the legislator. In the passages preceding the one here quoted, Mably has supposed the laws, due to a neglect of security, to be worn out. He continues to address the reader thusly: 

Under these circumstances, it is obvious that the springs of government are slack. Give them a new tension, and the evil will be cured . . . Think less of punishing faults, and more of rewarding that which you need. In this manner you will restore to your republic the vigour of youth. Because free people have been ignorant of this procedure, they have lost their liberty! But if the evil has made such headway that ordinary governmental procedures are unable to cure it, then resort to an extraordinary tribunal with considerable powers for a short time. The imagination of the citizens needs to be struck a hard blow. 

In this manner, Mably continues through twenty volumes. Under the influence of teaching like this—which stems from classical education—there came a time when everyone wished to place himself above mankind in order to arrange, organise, and regulate it in his own way.

Socialists want equality of wealth 


Next let us examine Condillac on this subject of the legislators and mankind: 

My Lord, assume the character of Lycurgus or of Solon. And before you finish reading this essay, amuse yourself by giving laws to some savages in America or Africa. Confine these nomads to fixed dwellings; teach them to tend flocks . . . Attempt to develop the social consciousness that nature has planted in them . . . Force them to begin to practice the duties of humanity . . . Use punishment to cause sensual pleasures to become distasteful to them. Then you will see that every point of your legislation will cause these savages to lose a vice and gain a virtue. All people have had laws. But few people have been happy. Why is this so? Because the legislators themselves have almost always been ignorant of the purpose of society, which is the uniting of families by a common interest.

Impartiality in law consists of two things: The establishing of equality in wealth and equality in dignity among the citizens . . . As the laws establish greater equality, they become proportionately more precious to every citizen . . . When all men are equal in wealth and dignity—and when the laws leave no hope of disturbing this equality—how can men then be agitated by greed, ambition, dissipation, idleness, sloth, envy, hatred, or jealousy?

What you have learned about the republic of Sparta should enlighten you on this question. No other state has ever had laws more in accord with the order of nature; of equality. 

The error of the socialist writers 


Actually, it is not strange that during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the human race was regarded as inert matter, ready to receive everything—form, face, energy, movement, life—from a great prince or a great legislator or a great genius. These centuries were nourished on the study of antiquity. And antiquity presents everywhere—in Egypt, Persia, Greece, Rome—the spectacle of a few men moulding mankind according to their whims, thanks to the prestige of force and of fraud. But this does not prove that this situation is desirable. It proves only that since men and society are capable of improvement, it is naturally to be expected that error, ignorance, despotism, slavery, and superstition should be greatest towards the origins of history. The writers quoted above were not in error when they found ancient institutions to be such, but they were in error when they offered them for the admiration and imitation of future generations. Uncritical and childish conformists, they took for granted the grandeur, dignity, morality, and happiness of the artificial societies of the ancient world. They did not understand that knowledge appears and grows with the passage of time; and that in proportion to this growth of knowledge, might takes the side of right, and society regains possession of itself.

What is liberty? 


Actually, what is the political struggle that we witness? It is the instinctive struggle of all people toward liberty. And what is this liberty, whose very name makes the heart beat faster and shakes the world? Is it not the union of all liberties: Liberty of conscience, of education, of association, of the press, of travel, of labour, of trade? In short, is not liberty the freedom of every person to make full use of his faculties, so long as he does not harm other persons while doing so? Is not liberty the destruction of all despotism—including, of course, legal despotism? Finally, is not liberty the restricting of the law only to its rational sphere of organising the right of the individual to lawful self-defense; of punishing injustice?

It must be admitted that the tendency of the human race toward liberty is largely thwarted, especially in France. This is greatly due to a fatal desire—learned from the teachings of antiquity—that our writers on public affairs have in common: They desire to set themselves above mankind in order to arrange, organise, and regulate it according to their fancy.

Philanthropic tyranny 


While society is struggling toward liberty, these famous men who put themselves at its head are filled with the spirit of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. They think only of subjecting mankind to the philanthropic tyranny of their own social inventions. Like Rousseau, they desire to force mankind docilely to bear this yoke of the public welfare that they have dreamed up in their own imaginations.

This was especially true in 1789. No sooner was the old regime destroyed than society was subjected to still other artificial arrangements, always starting from the same point: The omnipotence of the law. 

Listen to the ideas of a few of the writers and politicians during that period:

Saint-Just: The legislator commands the future. It is for him to will the good of mankind. It is for him to make men what he wills them to be. 

Robespierre: The function of government is to direct the physical and moral powers of the nation toward the end for which the commonwealth has come into being.

Billaud-Varennes: A people who are to be returned to liberty must be formed anew. A strong force and vigorous action are necessary to destroy old prejudices, to change old customs, to correct depraved affections, to restrict superfluous wants, and to destroy engrained vices . . . Citizens, the inflexible austerity of Lycurgus created the firm foundation of the Spartan republic. The weak and trusting character of Solon plunged Athens into slavery. This parallel embraces the whole science of government.

Le Pelletier: Considering the extent of human degradation, I am convinced that it is necessary to effect a total regeneration and, if I may so express myself, of creating a new people. 

The socialists want dictatorship 


Again, it is claimed that persons are nothing but raw material. It is not for them to will their own improvement; they are incapable of it. According to Saint-Just, only the legislator is capable of doing this. Persons are merely to be what the legislator wills them to be. According to Robespierre, who copies Rousseau literally, the legislator begins by decreeing the end for which the commonwealth has come into being. Once this is determined, the government has only to direct the physical and moral forces of the nation toward that end. Meanwhile, the inhabitants of the nation are to remain completely passive. And according to the teachings of Billaud-Varennes, the people should have no prejudices, no affections, and no desires except those authorised by the legislator. He even goes so far as to say that the inflexible austerity of one man is the foundation of a republic.

In cases where the alleged evil is so great that ordinary governmental procedures cannot cure it, Mably recommends a dictatorship to promote virtue: “Resort,” he says, “to an extraordinary tribunal with considerable powers for a short time. The imagination of the citizens needs to be struck a hard blow.” This doctrine has not been forgotten. Listen to Robespierre: 

The principle of the republican government is virtue, and the means required to establish virtue is terror. In our country we desire to substitute morality for selfishness, honesty for honour, principles for customs, duties for manners, the empire of reason for the tyranny of fashion, contempt of vice for contempt of poverty, pride for insolence, greatness of soul for vanity, love of glory for love of money, good people for good companions, merit for intrigue, genius for wit, truth for glitter, the charm of happiness for the boredom of pleasure, the greatness of man for the littleness of the great, a generous, strong, happy people for a good-natured, frivolous, degraded people; in short, we desire to substitute all the virtues and miracles of a republic for all the vices and absurdities of a monarchy. 

Dictatorial arrogance 


At what a tremendous height above the rest of mankind does Robespierre here place himself! And note the arrogance with which he speaks. He is not content to pray for a great reawakening of the human spirit. Nor does he expect such a result from a well-ordered government. No, he himself will remake mankind, and by means of terror.

This mass of rotten and contradictory statements is extracted from a discourse by Robespierre in which he aims to explain the principles of morality which ought to guide a revolutionary government. Note that Robespierre’s request for dictatorship is not made merely for the purpose of repelling a foreign invasion or putting down the opposing groups. Rather he wants a dictatorship in order that he may use terror to force upon the country his own principles of morality. He says that this act is only to be a temporary measure preceding a new constitution. But in reality, he desires nothing short of using terror to extinguish from France selfishness, honour, customs, manners, fashion, vanity, love of money, good companionship, intrigue, wit, sensuousness, and poverty. Not until he, Robespierre, shall have accomplished these miracles, as he so rightly calls them, will he permit the law to reign again.

Ah, you miserable creatures! You who think that you are so great! You who judge humanity to be so small! You who wish to reform everything! Why don’t you reform your selves? That task would be sufficient enough.

The indirect approach to despotism 


Usually, however, these gentlemen—the reformers, the legislators, and the writers on public affairs—do not desire to impose direct despotism upon mankind. Oh no, they are too moderate and philanthropic for such direct action. Instead, they turn to the law for this despotism, this absolutism, this omnipotence. They desire only to make the laws.

To show the prevalence of this queer idea in France, I would need to copy not only the entire works of Mably, Raynal, Rousseau, and Fenelon—plus long extracts from Bossuet and Montesquieu—but also the entire proceedings of the Convention. I shall do no such thing; I merely refer the reader to them.

Napoleon wanted passive mankind 


It is, of course, not at all surprising that this same idea should have greatly appealed to Napoleon. He embraced it ardently and used it with visor. Like a chemist, Napoleon considered all Europe to be material for his experiments. But, in due course, this material reacted against him.

At St. Helena, Napoleon—greatly disillusioned—seemed to recognise some initiative in mankind. Recognising this, he became less hostile to liberty. Nevertheless, this did not prevent him from leaving this lesson to his son in his will: “To govern is to increase and spread morality, education, and happiness.”

After all this, it is hardly necessary to quote the same opinions from Morelly, Babeuf, Owen, Saint-Simon, and Fourier. Here are, however, a few extracts from Louis Blanc’s book on the organisation of labour: “In our plan, society receives its momentum from power.”

Now consider this: The impulse behind this momentum is to be supplied by the plan of Louis Blanc; his plan is to be forced upon society; the society referred to is the human race. Thus the human race is to receive its momentum from Louis Blanc.

Now it will be said that the people are free to accept or to reject this plan. Admittedly, people are free to accept or to reject advice from whomever they wish. But this is not the way in which Mr. Louis Blanc understands the matter. He expects that his plan will be legalised, and thus forcibly imposed upon the people by the power of the law: 

In our plan, the state has only to pass labour laws [nothing else?] by means of which industrial progress can and must proceed in complete liberty. The state merely places society on an incline [that is all?]. Then society will slide down this incline by the mere force of things, and by the natural workings of the established mechanism. 

But what is this incline that is indicated by Mr. Louis Blanc? Does it not lead to an abyss? (No, it leads to happiness.) If this is true, then why does not society go there of its own choice? (Because society does not know what it wants; it must be propelled.) What is to propel it? (Power.) And who is to supply the impulse for this power? (Why, the inventor of the machine—in this instance, Mr. Louis Blanc.) 

The vicious circle of socialism 


We shall never escape from this circle: The idea of passive mankind, and the power of the law being used by a great man to propel the people.

Once on this incline, will society enjoy some liberty? (Certainly.) And what is liberty, Mr. Louis Blanc? 

Once and for all, liberty is not only a mere granted right; it is also the power granted to a person to use and to develop his faculties under a reign of justice and under the protection of the law. And this is no pointless distinction; its meaning is deep and its consequences are difficult to estimate. For once it is agreed that a person, to be truly free, must have the power to use and develop his faculties, then it follows that every person has a claim on society for such education as will permit him to develop himself. It also follows that every person has a claim on society for tools of production, without which human activity cannot be fully effective. Now by what action can society give to every person the necessary education and the necessary tools of production, if not by the action of the state? Thus, again, liberty is power. Of what does this power consist? [Of being educated and of being given the tools of production.] Who is to give the education and the tools of production? [Society, which owes them to everyone.] By what action is society to give tools of production to those who do not own them? [Why, by the action of the state.] And from whom will the state take them? 

Let the reader answer that question. Let him also notice the direction in which this is taking us. 

The doctrine of the democrats 


The strange phenomenon of our times—one which will probably astound our descendants—is the doctrine based on this triple hypothesis: The total inertness of mankind, the omnipotence of the law, and the infallibility of the legislator. These three ideas form the sacred symbol of those who proclaim themselves totally democratic.

The advocates of this doctrine also profess to be social. So far as they are democratic, they place unlimited faith in mankind. But so far as they are social, they regard mankind as little better than mud. Let us examine this contrast in greater detail.

What is the attitude of the democrat when political rights are under discussion? How does he regard the people when a legislator is to be chosen? Ah, then it is claimed that the people have an instinctive wisdom; they are gifted with the finest perception; their will is always right; the general will cannot err; voting cannot be too universal.

When it is time to vote, apparently the voter is not to be asked for any guarantee of his wisdom. His will and capacity to choose wisely are taken for granted. Can the people be mistaken? Are we not living in an age of enlightenment? What! Are the people always to be kept on leashes? Have they not won their rights by great effort and sacrifice? Have they not given ample proof of their intelligence and wisdom? Are they not adults? Are they not capable of judging for themselves? Do they not know what is best for themselves? Is there a class or a man who would be so bold as to set himself above the people, and judge and act for them? No, no, the people are and should be free. They desire to manage their own affairs, and they shall do so.

But when the legislator is finally elected—ah! Then indeed does the tone of his speech undergo a radical chance. The people are returned to passiveness, inertness, and unconsciousness; the legislator enters into omnipotence. Now it is for him to initiate, to direct, to propel, and to organise. Mankind has only to submit; the hour of despotism has struck. We now observe this fatal idea: The people who, during the election, were so wise, so moral, and so perfect, now have no tendencies whatever; or if they have any, they are tendencies that lead downward into degradation.

The socialist concept of liberty 


But ought not the people be given a little liberty?

But Mr. Considerant has assured us that liberty leads inevitably to monopoly!

We understand that liberty means competition. But according to Mr. Louis Blanc, competition is a system that ruins the businessmen and exterminates the people. It is for this reason that free people are ruined and exterminated in proportion to their degree of freedom. (Possibly Mr. Louis Blanc should observe the results of competition in, for example, Switzerland, Holland, England, and the United States.)

Mr. Louis Blanc also tells us that competition leads to monopoly. And by the same reasoning, he thus informs us that low prices lead to high prices; that competition drives production to destructive activity; that competition drains away the sources of purchasing power, that competition forces an increase in production while, at the same time, it forces a decrease in consumption. From this, it follows that free people produce for the sake of not consuming; that liberty means oppression and madness among the people; and that Mr. Louis Blanc absolutely must attend to it.

Socialists fear all liberties 


Well, what liberty should the legislators permit people to have? Liberty of conscience? (But if this were permitted, we would see the people taking this opportunity to become atheists.)

Then liberty of education? (But parents would pay professors to teach their children immorality and falsehoods; besides, according to Mr. Thiers, if education were left to national liberty, it would cease to be national, and we would be teaching our children the ideas of the Turks or Hindus; whereas, thanks to this legal despotism over education, our children now have the good fortune to be taught the noble ideas of the Romans.)

Then liberty of labour? (But that would mean competition which, in turn, leaves production unconsumed, ruins businessmen, and exterminates the people.)

Perhaps liberty of trade? (But everyone knows—and the advocates of protective tariffs have proved over and over again—that freedom of trade ruins every person who engages in it, and that it is necessary to suppress freedom of trade in order to prosper.)

Possibly then, liberty of association? (But, according to socialist doctrine, true liberty and voluntary association are in contradiction to each other, and the purpose of the socialists is to suppress liberty of association precisely in order to force people to associate together in true liberty.)

Clearly then, the conscience of the social democrats cannot permit persons to have any liberty because they believe that the nature of mankind tends always toward every kind of degradation and disaster. Thus, of course, the legislators must make plans for the people in order to save them from themselves.

This line of reasoning brings us to a challenging question: If people are as incapable, as immoral, and as ignorant as the politicians indicate, then why is the right of these same people to vote defended with such passionate insistence?

The superman idea 


The claims of these organisers of humanity raise another question which I have often asked them and which, so far as I know, they have never answered: If the natural tendencies of mankind are so bad that it is not safe to permit people to be free, how is it that the tendencies of these organisers are always good? Do not the legislators and their appointed agents also belong to the human race? Or do they believe that they themselves are made of a finer clay than the rest of mankind? The organisers maintain that society, when left undirected, rushes headlong to its inevitable destruction because the instincts of the people are so perverse. The legislators claim to stop this suicidal course and to give it a saner direction. Apparently, then, the legislators and the organisers have received from Heaven an intelligence and virtue that place them beyond and above mankind; if so, let them show their titles to this superiority.

They would be the shepherds over us, their sheep. Certainly such an arrangement presupposes that they are naturally superior to the rest of us. And certainly we are fully justified in demanding from the legislators and organisers proof of this natural superiority.

The socialists reject free choice 


Please understand that I do not dispute their right to invent social combinations, to advertise them, to advocate them, and to try them upon themselves, at their own expense and risk. But I do dispute their right to impose these plans upon us by law—by force—and to compel us to pay for them with our taxes.

I do not insist that the supporters of these various social schools of thought—the Proudhonists, the Cabetists, the Fourierists, the Universitarists, and the Protectionists—renounce their various ideas. I insist only that they renounce this one idea that they have in common: They need only to give up the idea of forcing us to acquiesce to their groups and series, their socialised projects, their free-credit banks, their GraecoRoman concept of morality, and their commercial regulations. I ask only that we be permitted to decide upon these plans for ourselves; that we not be forced to accept them, directly or indirectly, if we find them to be contrary to our best interests or repugnant to our consciences.

But these organisers desire access to the tax funds and to the power of the law in order to carry out their plans. In addition to being oppressive and unjust, this desire also implies the fatal supposition that the organiser is infallible and mankind is incompetent. But, again, if persons are incompetent to judge for themselves, then why all this talk about universal suffrage?

The cause of French revolutions 


This contradiction in ideas is, unfortunately but logically, reflected in events in France. For example, Frenchmen have led all other Europeans in obtaining their rights—or, more accurately, their political demands. Yet this fact has in no respect prevented us from becoming the most governed, the most regulated, the most imposed upon, the most harnessed, and the most exploited people in Europe. France also leads all other nations as the one where revolutions are constantly to be anticipated. And under the circumstances, it is quite natural that this should be the case.

And this will remain the case so long as our politicians continue to accept this idea that has been so well expressed by Mr. Louis Blanc: “Society receives its momentum from power.” This will remain the case so long as human beings with feelings continue to remain passive; so long as they consider themselves incapable of bettering their prosperity and happiness by their own intelligence and their own energy; so long as they expect everything from the law; in short, so long as they imagine that their relationship to the state is the same as that of the sheep to the shepherd.

The enormous power of government 


As long as these ideas prevail, it is clear that the responsibility of government is enormous. Good fortune and bad fortune, wealth and destitution, equality and inequality, virtue and vice —all then depend upon political administration. It is burdened with everything, it undertakes everything, it does everything; therefore it is responsible for everything.

If we are fortunate, then government has a claim to our gratitude; but if we are unfortunate, then government must bear the blame. For are not our persons and property now at the disposal of government? Is not the law omnipotent?

In creating a monopoly of education, the government must answer to the hopes of the fathers of families who have thus been deprived of their liberty; and if these hopes are shattered, whose fault is it?

In regulating industry, the government has contracted to make it prosper; otherwise it is absurd to deprive industry of its liberty. And if industry now suffers, whose fault is it?

In meddling with the balance of trade by playing with tariffs, the government thereby contracts to make trade prosper; and if this results in destruction instead of prosperity, whose fault is it?

In giving the maritime industries protection in exchange for their liberty, the government undertakes to make them profitable; and if they become a burden to the taxpayers, whose fault is it?

Thus there is not a grievance in the nation for which the government does not voluntarily make itself responsible. Is it surprising, then, that every failure increases the threat of another revolution in France?

And what remedy is proposed for this? To extend indefinitely the domain of the law; that is, the responsibility of government.

But if the government undertakes to control and to raise wages, and cannot do it; if the government undertakes to care for all who may be in want, and cannot do it; if the government undertakes to support all unemployed workers, and cannot do it; if the government undertakes to lend interest-free money to all borrowers, and cannot do it; if, in these words that we regret to say escaped from the pen of Mr. de Lamartine, “The state considers that its purpose is to enlighten, to develop, to enlarge, to strengthen, to spiritualise, and to sanctify the soul of the people”—and if the government cannot do all of these things, what then? Is it not certain that after every government failure—which, alas is more than probable—there will be an equally inevitable revolution?

Politics and economics 


A science of economics must be developed before a science of politics can be logically formulated. Essentially, economics is the science of determining whether the interests of human beings are harmonious or antagonistic. This must be known before a science of politics can be formulated to determine the proper functions of government.

Immediately following the development of a science of economics, and at the very beginning of the formulation of a science of politics, this all-important question must be answered: What is law? What ought it to be? What is its scope; its limits? Logically, at what point do the just powers of the legislator stop?

I do not hesitate to answer: Law is the common force organised to act as an obstacle to injustice. In short, law is justice.

Proper legislative functions 


It is not true that the legislator has absolute power over our persons and property. The existence of persons and property preceded the existence of the legislator, and his function is only to guarantee their safety.

It is not true that the function of law is to regulate our consciences, our ideas, our wigs, our education, our opinions, our work, our trade, our talents, or our pleasures. The function of law is to protect the free exercise of these rights, and to prevent any person from interfering with the free exercise of these same rights by any other person.

Since law necessarily requires the support of force, its lawful domain is only in the areas where the use of force is necessary. This is justice.

Every individual has the right to use force for lawful self-defence. It is for this reason that the collective force—which is only the organised combination of the individual forces—may lawfully be used for the same purpose; and it cannot be used legitimately for any other purpose.

Law is solely the organisation of the individual right of self-defense which existed before law was formalised. Law is justice.

Law and charity are not the same 


The mission of the law is not to oppress persons and plunder them of their property, even though the law may be acting in a philanthropic spirit. Its mission is to protect persons and property.

Furthermore, it must not be said that the law may be philanthropic if, in the process, it refrains from oppressing persons and plundering them of their property; this would be a contradiction. The law cannot avoid having an effect upon persons and property; and if the law acts in any manner except to protect them, its actions then necessarily violate the liberty of persons and their right to own property.

The law is justice—simple and clear, precise and bounded. Every eye can see it, and every mind can grasp it; for justice is measurable, immutable, and unchangeable. Justice is neither more than this nor less than this.

If you exceed this proper limit—if you attempt to make the law religious, fraternal, equalising, philanthropic, industrial, literary, or artistic—you will then be lost in an uncharted territory, in vagueness and uncertainty, in a forced utopia or, even worse, in a multitude of utopias, each striving to seize the law and impose it upon you. This is true because fraternity and philanthropy, unlike justice, do not have precise limits. Once started, where will you stop? And where will the law stop itself?

The high road to communism 


Mr. de Saint-Cricq would extend his philanthropy only to some of the industrial groups; he would demand that the law control the consumers to benefit the producers.

Mr. Considerant would sponsor the cause of the labour groups; he would use the law to secure for them a guaranteed minimum of clothing, housing, food, and all other necessities of life.

Mr. Louis Blanc would say—and with reason—that these minimum guarantees are merely the beginning of complete fraternity; he would say that the law should give tools of production and free education to all working people.

Another person would observe that this arrangement would still leave room for inequality; he would claim that the law should give to everyone—even in the most inaccessible hamlet—luxury, literature, and art.

All of these proposals are the high road to communism; legislation will then be—in fact, it already is—the battlefield for the fantasies and greed of everyone.

The basis for stable government 


Law is justice. In this proposition a simple and enduring government can be conceived. And I defy anyone to say how even the thought of revolution, of insurrection, of the slightest uprising could arise against a government whose organised force was confined only to suppressing injustice.

Under such a regime, there would be the most prosperity—and it would be the most equally distributed. As for the sufferings that are inseparable from humanity, no one would even think of accusing the government for them. This is true because, if the force of government were limited to suppressing injustice, then government would be as innocent of these sufferings as it is now innocent of changes in the temperature.

As proof of this statement, consider this question: Have the people ever been known to rise against the Court of Appeals, or mob a Justice of the Peace, in order to get higher wages, free credit, tools of production, favourable tariffs, or government-created jobs? Everyone knows perfectly well that such matters are not within the jurisdiction of the Court of Appeals or a Justice of the Peace. And if government were limited to its proper functions, everyone would soon learn that these matters are not within the jurisdiction of the law itself.

But make the laws upon the principle of fraternity—proclaim that all good, and all bad, stem from the law; that the law is responsible for all individual misfortunes and all social inequalities—then the door is open to an endless succession of complaints, irritations, troubles, and revolutions.

Justice means equal rights 


Law is justice. And it would indeed be strange if law could properly be anything else! Is not justice right? Are not rights equal? By what right does the law force me to conform to the social plans of Mr. Mimerel, Mr. de Melun, Mr. Thiers, or Mr. Louis Blanc? If the law has a moral right to do this, why does it not, then, force these gentlemen to submit to my plans? Is it logical to suppose that nature has not given me sufficient imagination to dream up a utopia also? Should the law choose one fantasy among many, and put the organised force of government at its service only?

Law is justice. And let it not be said—as it continually is said—that under this concept, the law would be atheistic, individualistic, and heartless; that it would make mankind in its own image. This is an absurd conclusion, worthy only of those worshippers of government who believe that the law is mankind.

Nonsense! Do those worshippers of government believe that free persons will cease to act? Does it follow that if we receive no energy from the law, we shall receive no energy at all? Does it follow that if the law is restricted to the function of protecting the free use of our faculties, we will be unable to use our faculties? Suppose that the law does not force us to follow certain forms of religion, or systems of association, or methods of education, or regulations of labour, or regulations of trade, or plans for charity; does it then follow that we shall eagerly plunge into atheism, hermitacy, ignorance, misery, and greed? If we are free, does it follow that we shall no longer recognise the power and goodness of God? Does it follow that we shall then cease to associate with each other, to help each other, to love and succour our unfortunate brothers, to study the secrets of nature, and to strive to improve ourselves to the best of our abilities?

The path to dignity and progress 


Law is justice. And it is under the law of justice—under the rein of right; under the influence of liberty, safety, stability, and responsibility—that every person will attain his real worth and the true dignity of his being. It is only under this law of justice that mankind will achieve—slowly, no doubt, but certainly—God’s design for the orderly and peaceful progress of humanity.

It seems to me that this is theoretically right, for whatever the question under discussion—whether religious, philosophical, political, or economic; whether it concerns prosperity, morality, equality, right, justice, progress, responsibility, cooperation, property, labour, trade, capital, wages, taxes, population, finance, or government—at whatever point on the scientific horizon I begin my researches, I invariably reach this one conclusion: The solution to the problems of human relationships is to be found in liberty.

Proof of an idea 


And does not experience prove this? Look at the entire world. Which countries contain the most peaceful, the most moral, and the happiest people? Those people are found in the countries where the law least interferes with private affairs; where government is least felt; where the individual has the greatest scope, and free opinion the greatest influence; where administrative powers are fewest and simplest; where taxes are lightest and most nearly equal, and popular discontent the least excited and the least justifiable; where individuals and groups most actively assume their responsibilities, and, consequently, where the morals of admittedly imperfect human beings are constantly improving; where trade, assemblies, and associations are the least restricted; where labour, capital, and populations suffer the fewest forced displacements; where mankind most nearly follows its own natural inclinations; where the inventions of men are most nearly in harmony with the laws of God; in short, the happiest, most moral, and most peaceful people are those who most nearly follow this principle: Although mankind is not perfect, still, all hope rests upon the free and voluntary actions of persons within the limits of right; law or force is to be used for nothing except the administration of universal justice.

The desire to rule over others 


This must be said: There are too many “great” men in the world—legislators, organisers, do-gooders, leaders of the people, fathers of nations, and so on, and so on. Too many persons place themselves above mankind; they make a career of organising it, patronising it, and ruling it.
Now someone will say: “You yourself are doing this very thing.”

True. But it must be admitted that I act in an entirely different sense; if I have joined the ranks of the reformers, it is solely for the purpose of persuading them to leave people alone. I do not look upon people as Vancauson looked upon his automaton. Rather, just as the physiologist accepts the human body as it is, so do I accept people as they are. I desire only to study and admire.

My attitude toward all other persons is well illustrated by this story from a celebrated traveler: He arrived one day in the midst of a tribe of savages, where a child had just been born. A crowd of soothsayers, magicians, and quacks—armed with rings, hooks, and cords—surrounded it. One said: “This child will never smell the perfume of a peace-pipe unless I stretch his nostrils.” Another said: “He will never be able to hear unless I draw his ear-lobes down to his shoulders.” A third said: “He will never see the sunshine unless I slant his eyes.” Another said: “He will never stand upright unless I bend his legs.” A fifth said: “He will never learn to think unless I flatten his skull.”

“Stop,” cried the traveler. “What God does is well done. Do not claim to know more than He. God has given organs to this frail creature; let them develop and grow strong by exercise, use, experience, and liberty.”

Let us now try liberty 


God has given to men all that is necessary for them to accomplish their destinies. He has provided a social form as well as a human form. And these social organs of persons are so constituted that they will develop themselves harmoniously in the clean air of liberty. Away, then, with quacks and organisers! Away with their rings, chains, hooks, and pincers! Away with their artificial systems! Away with the whims of governmental administrators, their socialised projects, their centralisation, their tariffs, their government schools, their state religions, their free credit, their bank monopolies, their regulations, their restrictions, their equalisation by taxation, and their pious moralisations!

And now that the legislators and do-gooders have so futilely inflicted so many systems upon society, may they finally end where they should have begun: May they reject all systems, and try liberty; for liberty is an acknowledgment of faith in God and His works.




. . . . .


#FreeBritney and the importance of self-ownership #FreeBritney y la importancia de la autopropiedad #FreeBritney et l’importance de la propriété de soi #FreeBritney e a importância da autopropriedade #FreeBritney und die bedeutung der eigenverantwortung A definition of freedom Una definición de libertad Une définition de la liberté Uma definição de liberdade Eine definition von freiheit A monopoly on violence Un monopolio sobre la violencia Un monopole sur la violence Um monopólio da violência Ein gewaltmonopol A university built by the invisible hand Una universidad construida por la mano invisible Une université construite par la main invisible Uma universidade construída pela mão invisível Eine universität die von der unsichtbaren hand gebaut wurde Abstain from beans Abstenerse de frijoles S’abstenir de haricots Abster-se de feijão Verzichten sie auf bohnen Activities Activities Activities Activities Activities Against all nations and borders Contra todas las naciones y fronteras Contre toutes les nations et frontières Contra todas as nações e fronteiras Gegen alle nationen und grenzen Against authority Contra la autoridad Contre l’autorité Contra autoridade Gegen autorität Against woman suffrage Contra el sufragio femenino Contre le suffrage des femmes Contra o sufrágio feminino Gegen das frauenwahlrecht Altruism does not exist El altruismo no existe L’altruisme n’existe pas O altruísmo não existe Altruismus gibt es nicht An anti-capitalism anarcho-capitalist Un anticapitalismo anarcocapitalista Un anarcho-capitaliste anti-capitalisme Um anticapitalismo anarcocapitalista Ein antikapitalistischer anarcho-kapitalist An apolitical approach to libertarianism Un enfoque apolítico del libertarismo Une approche apolitique du libertarianisme Uma abordagem apolítica do libertarianismo Eine unpolitische herangehensweise an den libertarismus An experiment Un experimento Une expérience Um experimento Ein experiment An individualist formulation of collectivist property Una formulación individualista de la propiedad colectivista Une formulation individualiste de la propriété collectiviste Uma formulação individualista da propriedade coletivista Eine individualistische formulierung von kollektivistischem eigentum Anarchism and atheism, theism and statism La verdadera historia de la ética Anarchisme et athéisme, théisme et étatisme Anarquismo e ateísmo, teísmo e estatismo Anarchismus und atheismus, theismus und statismus Anarchism as scepticism El anarquismo como escepticismo L’anarchisme comme scepticisme Anarquismo como ceticismo Anarchismus als skepsis Anarchy and the problem of the commons La anarquía y el problema de los bienes comunes L’anarchie et le problème des communs Anarquia e o problema dos bens comuns Anarchie und das problem der commons Anatomy of the state Anatomia del estado Anatomie de l’état Anatomia do estado Anatomie des staates Animator Animator Animator Animator Animator Anthem Himno Hymne Hino Hymne Anyone for war? ¿Alguien para la guerra? Quelqu’un pour la guerre? Alguém para a guerra? Jemand für den krieg? Are anarchists pacifists? ¿Son los anarquistas pacifistas? Les anarchistes sont-ils pacifistes? Os anarquistas são pacifistas? Sind anarchisten pazifisten? Are anarcho-capitalists anti-war? ¿Son los anarcocapitalistas contra la guerra? Les anarcho-capitalistes sont-ils anti-guerre? Os anarcocapitalistas são anti-guerra? Sind anarcho-kapitalistische antikriegsführer? Are there different types of anarcho-capitalism? ¿Existen diferentes tipos de anarcocapitalismo? Existe-t-il différents types d'anarcho-capitalisme? Existem diferentes tipos de anarco-capitalismo? Gibt es verschiedene arten von anarcho-kapitalismus? Aren’t anarchists terrorists? ¿No son los anarquistas terroristas? Les anarchistes ne sont-ils pas des terroristes? Não são anarquistas terroristas? Sind anarchisten keine terroristen? Battleships and schools Acorazados y escuelas Cuirassés et écoles Battleships e escolas Schlachtschiffe und schulen Beyond patriarchy: A libertarian model of the family Más allá del patriarcado: Un modelo libertario de la familia Au-delà du patriarcat: Un modèle libertaire de la famille Além do patriarcado: Um modelo libertário da família Jenseits des patriarchats: Ein libertäres modell der familie Beyond the boss: Protection from business in a free nation Más allá del jefe: Protección de los negocios en una nación libre Au-delà du patron: Protection contre les affaires dans une nation libre Além do chefe: Proteção dos negócios em uma nação livre Jenseits des chefs: Schutz vor geschäften in einer freien nation Books Books Books Books Books Boot Boot Boot Boot Boot Borders Fronteras Les frontières Fronteiras Grenzen Bubblegum money Dinero de chicle Argent bubblegum Dinheiro bubblegum Bubblegum geld Bumblebee Bumblebee Bumblebee Bumblebee Bumblebee But that would be anarchy! ¡Pero eso sería anarquía! Mais ce serait l’anarchie! Mas isso seria anarquia! Aber das wäre anarchie! Caging the beasts Enjaulando a las bestias Mise en cage des bêtes Enjaulando os animais Käfig die bestien Calculator Calculator Calculator Calculator Calculator Calendars Calendars Calendars Calendars Calendars Camera Camera Camera Camera Camera Can anarcho-capitalism work? ¿Puede funcionar el anarcocapitalismo? L'anarcho-capitalisme peut-il fonctionner? O anarco-capitalismo pode funcionar? Kann anarcho-kapitalismus funktionieren? Can voluntaryism fix the machine? ¿Puede el voluntariado arreglar la máquina? Le volontariat peut-il réparer la machine? O voluntariado pode consertar a máquina? Kann freiwilligkeit die maschine reparieren? Capitalism Capitalismo Capitalisme Capitalismo Kapitalismus Capitalism and the environment Capitalismo y medio ambiente Le capitalisme et l’environnement Capitalismo e meio ambiente Kapitalismus und umwelt Capitalism versus statism Capitalismo versus estatismo Capitalisme contre étatisme Capitalismo versus estatismo Kapitalismus versus statismus Captain Davies and Private Slovik Capitán Davies y Soldado Slovik Capitaine Davies et Soldat Slovik Capitão Davies e Soldado Particular Slovik Kapitän Davies und Private Slovik Checks and balances: Two kinds Verificaciones y saldos: Dos tipos Contrôles et soldes: Deux types Cheques e saldos: Dois tipos Checks and balances: Zwei arten Children Niños Les enfants Crianças Kinder Children and the family Los niños y la familia Les enfants et la famille Crianças e família Kinder und die familie Christopher Hitchens on evidence Christopher Hitchens en evidencia Christopher Hitchens en preuve Christopher Hitchens em evidência Christopher Hitchens über beweise Code Code Code Code Code Communication Communication Communication Communication Communication Competition and cooperation Competencia y cooperación Concurrence et coopération Concorrência e cooperação Wettbewerb und zusammenarbeit Controls Controls Controls Controls Controls Counter the state Contrarrestar el estado Contre l’état Contador do estado Gegen den staat Coverage but not care Cobertura pero no importa Couverture mais pas attention Cobertura, mas não me importo Abdeckung, aber egal Creativity Creatividad La créativité Criatividade Kreativität Day of infamy: July 26, 1941 Día de la infamia: 26 de Julio de 1941 Jour d’infamie: 26 Juillet 1941 Dia da infâmia: 26 de Julho de 1941 Tag der schande: 26 Juli 1941 Define your terms: Capitalism Define tus términos: Capitalismo Définissez vos termes: Capitalisme Defina seus termos: Capitalismo Definieren sie Ihre begriffe: Kapitalismus Define your terms: Corporatism Define tus términos: Corporativismo Définissez vos termes: Corporatisme Defina seus termos: Corporativismo Definieren sie Ihre begriffe: Korporatismus Define your terms: State Define tus términos: Estado Définissez vos termes: Etat Defina seus termos: Estado Definieren sie Ihre begriffe: Staat Define your terms: Statism Define tus términos: Estatismo Définissez vos termes: Statisme Defina seus termos: Statism Definieren sie Ihre begriffe: Statismus Define your terms: Voluntaryism Define tus términos: Voluntariado Définissez vos termes: Volontariat Defina seus termos: Voluntariado Definieren sie Ihre begriffe: Freiwilligkeit Democracy is impossible La democracia es imposible La démocratie est impossible Democracia é impossível Demokratie ist unmöglich Democracy is slavery La democracia es esclavitud La démocratie est l’esclavage Democracia é escravidão Demokratie ist sklaverei Deplatforming is not censorship Derribar las plataformas no es censura Déplatformer n’est pas de la censure Deplantar não é censura Deplatforming ist keine zensur Dictionary Dictionary Dictionary Dictionary Dictionary Discs Discs Discs Discs Discs Disproving the state Refutando el estado La réfutation de l’état Desprovando o estado Den staat widerlegen Do anarcho-capitalists favour chaos? ¿Los anarcocapitalistas favorecen el caos? Les anarcho-capitalistes favorisent-ils le chaos? Os anarco-capitalistas favorecem o caos? Bevorzugen anarcho-kapitalisten das chaos? Dock Dock Dock Dock Dock Does money inspire us to cooperate? ¿El dinero nos inspira a cooperar? L’argent nous inspire-t-il à coopérer? O dinheiro nos inspira a cooperar? Inspiriert uns geld zur zusammenarbeit? Does spanking violate the non-aggression principle? ¿Las nalgadas violan el principio de no agresión? La fessée viole-t-elle le principe de non-agression? A surra viola o princípio da não agressão? Verstößt spanking gegen das nichtangriffsprinzip? Don’t anarchists assume that all people are innately virtuous? ¿No asumen los anarquistas que todas las personas son virtuosas por naturaleza? Les anarchistes ne supposent-ils pas que tout le monde est naturellement vertueux? Os anarquistas não presumem que todas as pessoas são virtuosas por natureza? Gehen anarchisten nicht davon aus, dass alle menschen von natur aus tugendhaft sind? Don’t anarchists favour chaos? ¿No favorecen los anarquistas el caos? Les anarchistes ne sont-ils pas favorables au chaos? Os anarquistas não favorecem o caos? Bevorzugen anarchisten kein chaos? Don’t anarchists favour the abolition of the family, property, religion, and other social institutions besides the state? ¿No favorecen los anarquistas la abolición de la familia, la propiedad, la religión y otras instituciones sociales además del estado? Les anarchistes ne sont-ils pas favorables à l’abolition de la famille, de la propriété, de la religion et d’autres institutions sociales en plus de l’État? Os anarquistas não favorecem a abolição da família, propriedade, religião e outras instituições sociais além do estado? Befürworten anarchisten nicht die abschaffung der familie, des eigentums, der religion und anderer sozialer Institutionen neben dem staat? Economics Económicas Économie Economia Wirtschaft Education Educación Éducation Educação Bildung Education in colonial America Educación en la América colonial L’éducation en Amérique coloniale Educação na América colonial Bildung im kolonialen Amerika Eight dangerous myths about spanking Ocho mitos peligrosos sobre las nalgadas Huit mythes dangereux sur la fessée Oito mitos perigosos sobre surras Acht gefährliche mythen über prügel Encyclopaedia Encyclopaedia Encyclopaedia Encyclopaedia Encyclopaedia Environment Medio ambiente Environnement Meio Ambiente Umgebung Ethics Ética Éthique Ética Ethik Ethics, human nature, and government Ética, naturaleza humana, y gobierno. Éthique, nature humaine, et gouvernement Ética, natureza humana, e governo Ethik, menschliche natur, und regierung Existence, logic, evidence, and truth Existencia, lógica, evidencia y verdad Existence, logique, évidence et vérité Existência, lógica, evidência e verdade Existenz, logik, beweise und wahrheit Family Familia Famille Família Familie Files Files Files Files Files Film Editor Film Editor Film Editor Film Editor Film Editor Fonts Fonts Fonts Fonts Fonts Forget the argument from efficiency Olvida el argumento de la eficiencia Oubliez l’argument de l’efficacité Esqueça o argumento da eficiência Vergessen sie das argument der effizienz Free association Asociación libre Association libre Associação livre Freie vereinigung Free body Cuerpo libre Corps libre Corpo livre Freier körper Free enterprise and health care Libre empresa y asistencia sanitaria Libre entreprise et soins de santé Livre iniciativa e saúde Freies unternehmertum und gesundheitsversorgung Free families to statist societies and back again Familias gratuitas a sociedades estatistas y viceversa Libérer les familles des sociétés d’état et inversement Famílias livres para sociedades estatistas e vice-versa Freie familien zu statistischen gesellschaften und wieder zurück Free markets and monopoly Mercados libres y monopolio Marchés libres et monopole Mercados livres e monopólio Freie märkte und monopol Free markets are regulated Los mercados libres están regulados Les marchés libres sont réglementés Os mercados livres são regulamentados Freie märkte sind reguliert Free mind Mente libre Esprit libre Mente livre Freigeist Free trade Libre comercio Libre échange Livre comércio Freihandel Freedom on a leash Libertad con correa Liberté en laisse Liberdade na coleira Freiheit an der leine Freedom to chose your own money Libertad para elegir tu propio dinero Liberté de choisir son propre argent Liberdade para escolher seu próprio dinheiro Freiheit dein eigenes geld zu wählen Freedom, liberty, peace, happiness, and prosperity Libertad, libertad, paz, felicidad y prosperidad Liberté, liberté, paix, bonheur et prospérité Liberdade, liberdade, paz, felicidade e prosperidade Freiheit, freiheit, frieden, glück und wohlstand Freedom, reason, and cults Libertad, razón y cultos Liberté, raison et cultes Liberdade, razão e cultos Freiheit, vernunft und kulte Frequently asked questions Preguntas frecuentes Questions fréquemment posées Perguntas frequentes Häufig gestellte fragen Funding public goods: Six solutions Financiación de bienes públicos: Seis soluciones Financement des biens publics: Six solutions Financiamento de bens públicos: Seis soluções Finanzierung öffentlicher güter: Sechs lösungen Government Gobierno Gouvernement Governo Regierung Government as rape Gobierno como violación Le gouvernement comme viol Governo como estupro Regierung als vergewaltigung Government control of immigration: Is it a violation of individual sovereignty? Control gubernamental de la inmigración: ¿es una violación de la soberanía individual? Contrôle gouvernemental de l’immigration: est-ce une violation de la souveraineté individuelle? Controle governamental da imigração: É uma violação da soberania individual? Kontrolle der einwanderung durch die regierung: Handelt es sich um eine verletzung der individuellen souveränität? Government is force El gobierno es fuerza Le gouvernement est la force Governo é força Regierung ist kraft Government makes healthcare worse and more expensive El gobierno empeora la atención médica y la encarece Le gouvernement rend les soins de santé pires et plus chers Governo torna a saúde pior e mais cara Die regierung macht die gesundheitsversorgung schlechter und teurer Green rising: The dangers of political environmentalism Levantamiento verde: Los peligros del ambientalismo político Levée verte: Les dangers de l’environnementalisme politique Crescimento verde: Os perigos do ambientalismo político Grüner aufstieg: Die gefahren des politischen umweltschutzes Guns prevent thousands of crimes every day Las armas previenen miles de delitos todos los días Les armes à feu empêchent des milliers de crimes chaque jour As armas evitam milhares de crimes todos os dias Waffen verhindern jeden tag tausende von verbrechen Hard money in the voluntaryist tradition Dinero duro en la tradición voluntarista De l’argent dur dans la tradition du volontariat Dinheiro duro na tradição voluntária Hartes geld in der freiwilligen tradition Have there been any anarcho-capitalist societies? ¿Ha habido sociedades anarcocapitalistas? Y a-t-il eu des sociétés anarcho-capitalistes? Houve alguma sociedade anarco-capitalista? Gab es anarcho-kapitalistische gesellschaften? Have there been any historical examples of anarchist societies? ¿Ha habido ejemplos históricos de sociedades anarquistas? Y a-t-il eu des exemples historiques de sociétés anarchistes? Houve algum exemplo histórico de sociedades anarquistas? Gab es historische beispiele für anarchistische gesellschaften? Health Salud Santé Saúde Gesundheit Health care: An anarchist approach Cuidado de la salud: Un enfoque anarquista Soins de santé: Une approche anarchiste Cuidados de saúde: Uma abordagem anarquista Gesundheitsversorgung: Ein anarchistischer ansatz Healthcare is a right? La asistencia sanitaria es un derecho? La santé est un droit? Saúde é um direito? Gesundheitswesen ist ein recht? Home Home Home Home Home Home is best El hogar es lo mejor La maison est la meilleure Lar é o melhor Zuhause ist am besten How can governments be abolished? ¿Cómo se pueden abolir los gobiernos? Comment les gouvernements peuvent-ils être abolis? Como os governos podem ser abolidos? Wie können regierungen abgeschafft werden? How do anarcho-capitalists compare with other anarchists? ¿Cómo se comparan los anarcocapitalistas con otros anarquistas? Comment les anarcho-capitalistes se comparent-ils aux autres anarchistes? Como os anarco-capitalistas se comparam a outros anarquistas? Wie vergleichen sich anarcho-kapitalisten mit anderen anarchisten? How environmentalism disdains the poor Cómo el ambientalismo desdeña a los pobres Comment l’environnementalisme méprise les pauvres Como o ambientalismo desdenha os pobres Wie umweltschutz die armen verachtet How free is the “free market”? ¿Qué tan libre es el “mercado libre”? Le “marché libre” est-il gratuit? Quão livre é o “mercado livre”? Wie frei ist der “freie Markt”? How government solved the health care crisis Cómo el gobierno resolvió la crisis de salud Comment le gouvernement a résolu la crise des soins de santé Como o governo resolveu a crise da saúde Wie die regierung die gesundheitskrise gelöst hat How might an anarchist society be achieved? ¿Cómo se puede lograr una sociedad anarquista? Comment une société anarchiste pourrait-elle être réalisée? Como uma sociedade anarquista pode ser alcançada? Wie könnte eine anarchistische gesellschaft erreicht werden? How might an anarcho-capitalist society be achieved? ¿Cómo se puede lograr una sociedad anarcocapitalista? Comment parvenir à une société anarcho-capitaliste? Como uma sociedade anarco-capitalista pode ser alcançada? Wie könnte eine anarcho-kapitalistische gesellschaft erreicht werden? How the free market works Cómo funciona el mercado libre Comment fonctionne le marché libre Como funciona o mercado livre Wie der freie markt funktioniert How the state destroys social cooperation Cómo el estado destruye la cooperación social Comment l’état détruit la coopération sociale Como o Estado destrói a cooperação social Wie der staat die soziale zusammenarbeit zerstört How the state thrives, how the state fails Cómo prospera el estado, cómo falla el estado Comment l’état prospère, comment l’état échoue Como o estado prospera, como o estado falha Wie der staat gedeiht, wie der staat versagt How to establish a government Cómo establecer un gobierno Comment établir un gouvernement Como estabelecer um governo Wie man eine regierung gründet How to prevent violent criminal behaviour in the next generation Cómo prevenir el comportamiento criminal violento en la próxima generación Comment prévenir les comportements criminels violents dans la prochaine génération Como evitar comportamentos criminosos violentos na próxima geração Wie man gewalttätiges kriminelles verhalten in der nächsten generation verhindert How would anarchists handle the public goods problem? ¿Cómo manejarían los anarquistas el problema de los bienes públicos? Comment les anarchistes géreraient-ils le problème des biens publics? Como os anarquistas lidariam com o problema dos bens públicos? Wie würden anarchisten mit dem problem der öffentlichen güter umgehen? How would anarcho-capitalism work? ¿Cómo funcionaría el anarcocapitalismo? Comment fonctionnerait le capitalisme anarcho? Como funcionaria o anarco capitalismo? Wie würde der anarchokapitalismus funktionieren? How would anarcho-capitalists handle the public goods problem? ¿Cómo manejarían los anarcocapitalistas el problema de los bienes públicos? Comment les anarcho-capitalistes traiteraient-ils le problème des biens publics? Como os anarco-capitalistas lidariam com o problema dos bens públicos? Wie würden anarcho-kapitalisten mit dem problem der öffentlichen güter umgehen? How would left anarchy work? ¿Cómo funcionaría la anarquía de izquierda? Comment fonctionnerait l'anarchie de gauche? Como a anarquia de esquerda funcionaria? Wie würde die anarchie funktionieren? Human nature La naturaleza humana Nature humaine Natureza humana Menschliche natur i suport publick skools apoyo a publick skools je soutiens les écoles publick eu apoio skools publick ich unterstütze publick skools I, Pencil Yo, Lápiz Moi, Crayon Eu Lápis Ich, Bleistift Ignorance of the law is an excuse La ignorancia de la ley es una excusa L’ignorance de la loi est une excuse A ignorância da lei é uma desculpa Unwissenheit über das gesetz ist eine entschuldigung Immigration controls are socialist Los controles de inmigración son socialistas Les contrôles de l’immigration sont socialistes Os controles de imigração são socialistas Einwanderungskontrollen sind sozialistisch Immigration: Anarchy worked Inmigración: La anarquía funcionó Immigration: L’anarchie a fonctionné Imigração: Anarquia trabalhou Einwanderung: Anarchie hat funktioniert Importing freedom Importando libertad Importer la liberté Importando liberdade Freiheit importieren In defence of anarchism En defensa del anarquismo Pour la défense de l’anarchisme Em defesa do anarquismo Zur verteidigung des anarchismus In defence of organ-legging En defensa de las piernas de órganos En défense du legging d’orgue Em defesa da legging de órgãos Zur verteidigung von organbeinen In search of the super villain En busca del super villano À la recherche du super méchant Em busca do super vilão Auf der suche nach dem superschurken Individual liberty Libertad individual Liberté individuelle Liberdade individual Individuelle freiheit Intellectual property without legislation Propiedad intelectual sin legislación Propriété intellectuelle sans législation Propriedade intelectual sem legislação Geistiges eigentum ohne gesetzgebung Interventionism Intervencionismo Interventionnisme Intervencionismo Interventionismus Is anarchism the same thing as libertarianism? ¿Es el anarquismo lo mismo que el libertarismo? L’anarchisme est-il la même chose que le libertarisme? Anarquismo é a mesma coisa que libertarianismo? Ist anarchismus dasselbe wie libertarismus? Is anarchism the same thing as socialism? ¿Es el anarquismo lo mismo que el socialismo? L’anarchisme est-il la même chose que le socialisme? Anarquismo é a mesma coisa que socialismo? Ist anarchismus dasselbe wie sozialismus? Is anarcho-capitalism the same thing as libertarianism? ¿Es el anarcocapitalismo lo mismo que el libertarismo? L'anarcho-capitalisme est-il la même chose que le libertarisme? Anarco-capitalismo é a mesma coisa que libertarianismo? Ist anarchokapitalismus dasselbe wie libertarismus? Is anarcho-capitalism utopian? ¿Es utópico el anarcocapitalismo? L’anarcho-capitalisme est-il utopique? O anarco-capitalismo é utópico? Ist der Anarcho-Kapitalismus utopisch? Is evil necessary? ¿Es necesario el mal? Le mal est-il nécessaire? O mal é necessário? Ist das böse notwendig? Is health care a human right? Es el cuidado de la salud un derecho humano? Les soins de santé sont-ils un droit humain? A saúde é um direito humano? Ist die gesundheitsversorgung ein menschenrecht? Is laissez faire capitalism exploitative? ¿El capitalismo de laissez faire es explotador? Le capitalisme du laissez-faire est-il exploiteur? O capitalismo do laissez faire é explorador? Ist der laissez-faire-kapitalismus ausbeuterisch? Is voting an act of violence? ¿Es votar un acto de violencia? Le vote est-il un acte de violence? O voto é um ato de violência? Ist das wählen ein akt der gewalt? Isn’t anarchism utopian? ¿No es utópico el anarquismo? L’anarchisme n’est-il pas utopique? O anarquismo não é utópico? Ist der anarchismus nicht utopisch? Judeo-Christian morality versus the free society La moral Judeocristiana frente a la sociedad libre Moralidade Judaico-Cristã versus sociedade livre Moralidade Judaico-Cristã versus sociedade livre Jüdisch-Christliche moral gegen die freie gesellschaft Justice Justicia Justice Justiça Gerechtigkeit Keep calm and forever libertarian Mantén la calma y por siempre libertario Restez calme et libertaire pour toujours Mantenha a calma e sempre libertário Bleib ruhig und für immer libertär Kill private capital, kill civilisation Mata capital privado, mata civilización Tuez des capitaux privés, tuez la civilisation Matar capital privado, matar civilização Töte privates kapital, töte die zivilisation Knockout Knockout Knockout Knockout Knockout Law enforcement socialism Socialismo de aplicación de la ley Socialisme répressif Socialismo policial Strafverfolgungssozialismus Law, property rights, and air pollution Ley, derechos de propiedad y contaminación del aire Loi, droits de propriété et pollution atmosphérique Lei, direitos de propriedade e poluição do ar Recht, eigentumsrechte und luftverschmutzung Libertarian anarchism: Responses to ten objections Anarquismo libertario: Respuestas a diez objeciones Anarchisme libertaire: Réponses à dix objections Anarquismo libertário: Respostas a dez objeções Libertärer anarchismus: Antworten auf zehn einwände Liberty as a lack of unchosen positive obligations La libertad como falta de obligaciones positivas no elegidas La liberté comme un manque d’obligations positives non choisies Liberdade como falta de obrigações positivas não escolhidas Freiheit als mangel an nicht gewählten positiven verpflichtungen Liberty for all means immigrants too Libertad para todos significa inmigrantes también La liberté pour tous signifie aussi l’immigration Liberdade para todos os meios também imigrantes Freiheit für alle bedeutet auch einwanderer Limited government Gobierno limitado Gouvernement limité Governo limitado Begrenzte regierung Limited government — A moral issue? Gobierno limitado: ¿Un problema moral? Un gouvernement limité — Une question morale? Governo limitado — Uma questão moral? Begrenzte Regierung — Eine moralische frage? Login Login Login Login Login Man, family, and state Hombre, familia y estado Homme, famille et état Homem, família e estado Mann, familie und staat Maps Maps Maps Maps Maps Market Mercado Marché Mercado Markt Market anarchism versus market statism Anarquismo de mercado versus estatismo de mercado L’anarchisme de marché contre l’étatisme de marché Anarquismo de mercado versus estatismo de mercado Marktanarchismus versus marktstatismus Market prices — Purpose versus arbitrariness Precios de mercado — Propósito versus arbitrariedad Prix du marché — But contre arbitraire Preços de mercado — Finalidade versus arbitrariedade Marktpreise — Zweck versus willkür Markets and freedom Mercados y libertad Marchés et liberté Mercados e liberdade Märkte und freiheit Marx as utopian Marx como utópico Marx comme utopiste Marx como utópico Marx als utopist Messages Messages Messages Messages Messages Meth and other drug war facts Metanfetamina y otros hechos de la guerra contra las drogas Meth et autres faits sur la guerre contre la drogue Metanfetamina e outros fatos da guerra às drogas Meth und andere fakten zum drogenkrieg Minarchism Minarquismo Minarchisme Minarquismo Minarchismus Minarchism versus anarchism Minarquismo versus anarquismo Minarchisme contre anarchisme Minarquismo versus anarquismo Minarchismus gegen anarchismus Minarchism: Ethically self-contradictory Minarquismo: Éticamente autocontradictorio Minarchisme: Éthiquement contradictoire Minarquismo: Éticamente auto-contraditório Minarchismus: Ethisch widersprüchlich Money Dinero Argent Dinheiro Geld Multimedia Multimedia Multimédia Multimídia Multimedia Music Music Music Music Music Natural law La Ley natural Loi naturelle Lei natural Naturgesetz Neither tax nor punishment Ni impuestos ni castigos Ni impôt ni punition Nem imposto nem punição Weder steuern noch strafen New Zealand’s path to prosperity began with rejecting democratic socialism El camino de Nueva Zelanda hacia la prosperidad comenzó con el rechazo del socialismo democrático La voie de la prospérité de la Nouvelle-Zélande a commencé par le rejet du socialisme démocratique O caminho da Nova Zelândia para a prosperidade começou com a rejeição do socialismo democrático Neuseelands weg zum wohlstand begann mit der ablehnung des demokratischen sozialismus News News News News News No rulers Sin gobernantes Pas de dirigeants Sem réguas Keine herrscher No treason: The constitution of no authority Sin traición: La constitución de ninguna autoridad Pas de trahison: La constitution d’aucune autorité Sem traição: A constituição de nenhuma autoridade Kein verrat: Die verfassung ohne autorität Notes Notes Notes Notes Notes Notifications Notifications Notifications Notifications Notifications Objective morality Moralidad objetiva Moralité objective Moralidade objetiva Objektive moral Objects are morally neutral Los objetos son moralmente neutros Les objets sont moralement neutres Objetos são moralmente neutros Objekte sind moralisch neutral On human nature Sobre la naturaleza humana Sur la nature humaine Sobre a natureza humana Über die menschliche natur On overcoming scarcity Sobre la superación de la escasez Surmonter la pénurie Superando a escassez Über die überwindung der knappheit On slavery in a free market Sobre la esclavitud en un mercado libre Sur l’esclavage dans un marché libre Sobre a escravidão em um mercado livre Über die sklaverei in einem freien markt On the meaning of voting Sobre el significado de votar Sur le sens du vote Sobre o significado da votação Über die bedeutung der abstimmung On the need for a final arbiter Sobre la necesidad de un árbitro final Sur la nécessité d'un arbitre final Sobre a necessidade de um árbitro final Über die notwendigkeit eines endgültigen schiedsrichters On the rule of law Sobre el estado de derecho Sur l’état de droit Sobre o estado de direito Rechtsstaatlichkeit On voting En la votación Sur le vote Na votação Bei der abstimmung Only cowards vote Solo los cobardes votan Seuls les lâches votent Somente covardes votam Nur feiglinge stimmen ab Open borders or no borders? ¿Fronteras abiertas o sin fronteras? Frontières ouvertes ou pas de frontières? Fronteiras abertas ou sem fronteiras? Offene grenzen oder keine grenzen? Ownership of the product by capitalists Propiedad del producto por los capitalistas Propriété du produit par les capitalistes Propriedade do produto pelos capitalistas Eigentum des produkts durch kapitalisten Pages Pages Pages Pages Pages Parents can trust kids to teach themselves Los padres pueden confiar en que los niños se enseñarán por sí mismos Les parents peuvent faire confiance aux enfants pour qu’ils apprennent eux-mêmes Os pais podem confiar que os filhos aprenderão a si mesmos Eltern können darauf vertrauen, dass kinder sich selbst unterrichten Phone Phone Phone Phone Phone Photos Photos Photos Photos Photos Pixelater Pixelater Pixelater Pixelater Pixelater Plain talk about spanking Hablar claro de azotes Parler clairement de la fessée Discussão simples sobre palmada Einfach über spanking reden Podcasts Podcasts Podcasts Podcasts Podcasts Politics is the opiate of the masses La política es el opio de las masas La politique est l’opium des masses A política é o ópio das massas Politik ist das opiat der massen Positive “rights” “Derechos” positivos Des “droits” positifs “Direitos” positivos Positive “rechte” Power Poder Puissance Poder Leistung Pragmatic utilitarianism: A road to tyranny Utilitarismo pragmático: Un camino hacia la tiranía Utilitarisme pragmatique: Un chemin vers la tyrannie Utilitarismo pragmático: Um caminho para a tirania Pragmatischer utilitarismus: Ein weg zur tyrannei Principles, freedom, and you Principios, libertad y tu Principes, liberté et vous Princípios, liberdade e você Prinzipien, freiheit und du Private charity versus “public welfare” Caridad privada versus “bienestar público” Charité privée contre “bien-être public” Caridade privada versus “bem-estar público” Private Wohltätigkeit versus “Gemeinwohl” Private defence Defensa privada Défense privée Defesa privada Private verteidigung Private law Derecho privado Loi privée Lei privada Privatrecht Private property or possession: A synthesis Propiedad o posesión privada: Una síntesis Propriété ou possession privée: Une synthèse Propriedade ou posse privada: Uma síntese Privateigentum oder besitz: Eine synthese Productivity Productividad Productivité Produtividade Produktivität Publisher Publisher Publisher Publisher Publisher Punishment versus restitution: A formulation Castigo versus restitución: Una formulación Punition contre restitution: Une formulation Punição versus restituição: Uma formulação Bestrafung versus wiedergutmachung: Eine formulierung Pursuing justice in a free society Persiguiendo la justicia en una sociedad libre Poursuivre la justice dans une société libre Buscar a justiça em uma sociedade livre Streben nach gerechtigkeit in einer freien gesellschaft Religion Religión Religion Religião Religion Religion Religión Religion Religião Religion Reminders Reminders Reminders Reminders Reminders Resist injustice Resistir la injusticia Résister à l'injustice Resistir à injustiça Widerstehen sie der ungerechtigkeit Resist untruth Resistir la mentira Résister au mensonge Resista à mentira Widerstehen sie der unwahrheit The state: A review El estado: Una revisión L’état: Un bilan O estado: Uma revisão Der staat: Eine überprüfung Review: Universally Preferable Behaviour Revisión: Comportamiento Universalmente Preferible Révision: Comportement Universellement Préférable Revisão: Comportamento Universalmente Preferível Rückblick: Allgemein Bevorzugtes Verhalten Ricky Gervais on offence Ricky Gervais en ataque Ricky Gervais en attaque Ricky Gervais no ataque Ricky Gervais in der offensive Right, wrong, and the difference Bien, mal y la diferencia Bien, mal et la différence Certo, errado e a diferença Richtig, falsch und der unterschied Rights Derechos Droits Direitos Rechte Roads to serfdom Caminos a la servidumbre Les routes du servage Estradas para a servidão Wege zur leibeigenschaft Schools are outdated, it is time for reform Las escuelas están desactualizadas, es hora de una reforma Les écoles sont dépassées, il est temps de se réformer As escolas estão desatualizadas, é hora de reforma Schulen sind veraltet, es ist zeit für reformen Secular deities and the problem of humanism Deidades seculares y el problema del humanismo Divinités laïques et problème de l’humanisme Deidades seculares e o problema do humanismo Weltliche gottheiten und das problem des humanismus Self-ownership Propiedad propia Propriété de soi Propriedade própria Eigenverantwortung Settings Settings Settings Settings Settings Sheets Sheets Sheets Sheets Sheets Shell Cáscara Coquille Concha Schale Six lessons on the history and economics of taxation Seis lecciones sobre la historia y la economía de los impuestos Six leçons sur l’histoire et l’économie de la fiscalité Seis lições sobre história e economia da tributação Sechs lektionen zur geschichte und ökonomie der besteuerung Slavery contracts and inalienable rights: A formulation Contratos de esclavitud y derechos inalienables: Una formulación Contrats d’esclavage et droits inaliénables: Une formulation Contratos de escravidão e direitos inalienáveis: Uma formulação Sklaverei-verträge und unveräußerliche rechte: Eine formulierung Slides Slides Slides Slides Slides Smokescreen Smokescreen Smokescreen Smokescreen Smokescreen Social Social Social Social Social Social justice philosophy is a blank cheque for government power La filosofía de la justicia social es un cheque en blanco para el poder del gobierno La philosophie de justice sociale est un chèque en blanc pour le pouvoir gouvernemental A filosofia da justiça social é um cheque em branco para o poder do governo Die philosophie der sozialen gerechtigkeit ist ein blankoscheck für die macht der regierung Socialism of the right Socialismo de la derecha Socialisme de droite Socialismo de direita Sozialismus der rechten Society in jail Sociedad en la carcel Société en prison Sociedade na cadeia Gesellschaft im gefängnis Society without a state Sociedad sin estado Société sans état Sociedade sem estado Gesellschaft ohne staat Some mistakes of Moses Algunos errores de Moisés Quelques erreurs de Moïse Alguns erros de Moisés Einige fehler von Moses Sound Editor Sound Editor Sound Editor Sound Editor Sound Editor Stability and the free market Estabilidad y libre mercado Stabilité et marché libre Estabilidade e o mercado livre Stabilität und der freie markt Stateless dictatorships: How a free society prevents the re-emergence of a government Dictaduras sin estado: Cómo una sociedad libre evita el resurgimiento de un gobierno Dictatures apatrides: Comment une société libre empêche la réémergence d’un gouvernement Ditaduras apátridas: Como uma sociedade livre impede o ressurgimento de um governo Staatenlose diktaturen: Wie eine freie gesellschaft das wiederauftauchen einer regierung verhindert Stateless not lawless: Voluntaryism and arbitration Apátridas no sin ley: Voluntariado y arbitraje Apatrides pas sans loi: Volontariat et arbitrage Apátrida, não ilegal: Voluntariado e arbitragem Staatenlos nicht gesetzlos: Freiwilligkeit und schiedsgerichtsbarkeit Statist reasoning: Non-freedom for non-voters Razonamiento estadístico: No libertad para los no votantes Raisonnement étatique: Non-liberté pour les non-votants Raciocínio estatista: Não-liberdade para não-eleitores Statistische argumentation: Nichtfreiheit für nichtwähler Statist reasoning: Not me, but everybody else Razonamiento estadístico: No yo, sino todos los demás Raisonnement étatiste: Pas moi, mais tout le monde Raciocínio estatista: Não eu, mas todo mundo Statistische argumentation: Nicht ich, sondern alle anderen Stay positive Mantente positivo Reste positif Se mantenha positivo Bleib positiv Store Store Store Store Store Strong atheism Fuerte ateísmo Athéisme fort Ateísmo forte Starker atheismus Switch Switch Switch Switch Switch Symptoms of government meddling in health care Síntomas de intromisión del gobierno en la atención médica Symptômes d’ingérence du gouvernement dans les soins de santé Sintomas de intromissão do governo nos cuidados de saúde Symptome einer einmischung der regierung in die gesundheitsversorgung Tangled as political allegory Enredado como alegoría política Emmêlé comme allégorie politique Emaranhado como alegoria política Wirren als politische allegorie Tax is theft! Imposto é roubo! La taxe, c’est du vol! Imposto é roubo! Steuer ist diebstahl! Taxation Impuestos Imposition Imposto Besteuerung Taxation is robbery Los impuestos son robos La fiscalité est un vol Tributação é roubo Besteuerung ist raub Taxation is the lifeblood of the state Los impuestos son el elemento vital del estado La fiscalité est la pierre angulaire de l’état A tributação é a força vital do estado Steuern sind das lebenselixier des staates Taxation: Call it what it is Impuestos: llámalo como es Fiscalité: Appelez ça comme c’est Tributação: Chame do que é Besteuerung: Nennen sie es wie es ist Terminal Terminal Terminal Terminal Terminal Terrorists at the gate Terroristas en la puerta Terroristes à la porte Terroristas no portão Terroristen am tor Test Prueba Test Teste Prüfung The age of the suitcase nuke La edad de la maleta nuclear L’âge de la valise nuke A idade das armas nucleares da mala Das Alter der koffernuke The anarchism and minarchism blur El anarquismo y el minarquismo se difuminan L’anarchisme et le minarchisme se brouillent O anarquismo e o minarquismo se confundem Der anarchismus und der minarchismus verschwimmen The argument from morality El argumento de la moral L’argument de la morale O argumento da moralidade Das argument der moral The case for free immigration, the case against borders El caso de la inmigración libre, el caso contra las fronteras Les arguments en faveur d’une immigration libre, les arguments contre les frontières O caso da imigração livre, o caso contra as fronteiras Der fall für freie einwanderung, der fall gegen grenzen The crackdown on ‘price gouging’ helps no one, except politicians and the media La represión de la ‘subida de precios’ no ayuda a nadie, excepto a los políticos y los medios de comunicación La répression des ‘prix abusifs’ n’aide personne, sauf les politiciens et les médias A repressão à ‘manipulação de preços’ não ajuda ninguém, exceto políticos e a mídia Das vorgehen gegen ‘Preissenkungen’ hilft niemandem auber politikern und medien The decline and fall of private law in Iceland El declive y la caída del derecho privado en Islandia Le déclin et la chute du droit privé en Islande O declínio e queda do direito privado na Islândia Der niedergang und fall des privatrechts in Island The decline of morality in the west La decadencia de la moral en occidente Le déclin de la moralité à l’ouest O declínio da moralidade no oeste Der niedergang der moral im westen The economic tendency of free thought La tendencia económica del pensamiento libre La tendance économique de la libre pensée A tendência econômica do pensamento livre Die wirtschaftliche tendenz des freien denkens The end of the end-means dichotomy El fin de la dicotomía de los medios del fin La fin de la dichotomie de fin signifie O fim da dicotomia final significa Das ende des endes bedeutet dichotomie The environment’s true friends are libertarians Los verdaderos amigos del medio ambiente son libertarios Les vrais amis de l’environnement sont des libertaires Os verdadeiros amigos do meio ambiente são os libertários Die wahren freunde der umwelt sind libertäre The ethics of voluntaryism La ética del voluntariado L’éthique du volontariat A ética do voluntariado Die ethik des freiwilligendienstes The failure of American public education El fracaso de la educación pública estadounidense L’échec de l’éducation publique Américaine O fracasso da educação pública Americana Das scheitern der Amerikanischen öffentlichen bildung The Fed’s grasping invisible hand La mano invisible de la Reserva Federal La main invisible de la Fed A mão invisível do Fed Die Fed greift nach unsichtbarer hand The fundamentals of voluntaryism Los fundamentos del voluntariado Les fondamentaux du volontariat Os fundamentos do voluntariado Die grundlagen des freiwilligendienstes The gold standard El estándar de oro L’étalon-or O padrão ouro Der goldstandard The great infidels Los grandes infieles Les grands infidèles Os grandes infiéis Die groben ungläubigen The hidden cost of taxation El costo oculto de los impuestos Le coût caché de la fiscalité O custo oculto da tributação Die versteckten steuerkosten The immorality of the state La inmoralidad del estado L’immoralité de l’état A imoralidade do estado Die unmoral des staates The law La ley La loi A lei Das gesetz The libertarian immigration conundrum El enigma de la inmigración libertaria L’énigme de l’immigration libertaire O dilema da imigração libertária Das libertäre einwanderungsproblem The magical trillion dollar coin La moneda mágica de billones de dólares La pièce magique de mille milliards de dollars A moeda mágica de trilhões de dólares Die magische billionen-dollar-münze The meaning of Nagasaki El significado de Nagasaki La signification de Nagasaki O significado de Nagasaki Die bedeutung von Nagasaki The myth of the rule of law El mito del estado de derecho Le mythe de l'état de droit O mito do estado de direito Der mythos der rechtsstaatlichkeit The myth of the social contract El mito del contrato social Le mythe du contrat social O mito do contrato social Der mythos vom gesellschaftsvertrag The myth that Americans were poorly educated before mass government schooling El mito de que los estadounidenses tenían una educación deficiente antes de la escolarización pública masiva Le mythe selon lequel les Américains étaient mal éduqués avant l’école publique de masse O mito de que os americanos eram mal educados antes da escolarização pública em massa Der mythos, dass die Amerikaner vor dem schulbesuch der massenregierung schlecht ausgebildet waren The myth that the polar bear population is declining El mito de que la población de osos polares está disminuyendo Le mythe selon lequel la population d’ours polaires est en déclin O mito de que a população de ursos polares está diminuindo Der mythos, dass die eisbärenpopulation zurückgeht The nature and origin of money La naturaleza y el origen del dinero La nature et l’origine de l’argent A natureza e origem do dinheiro Die art und herkunft des geldes The nature of law La naturaleza de la ley La nature du droit A natureza da lei Die natur des gesetzes The origin of government authority El origen de la autoridad gubernamental L’origine de l’autorité gouvernementale A origem da autoridade governamental Der ursprung der regierungsbehörde The philosophy of atheism La filosofía del ateísmo La philosophie de l’athéisme A filosofia do ateísmo Die philosophie des atheismus The pluralism of liberty El pluralismo de la libertad Le pluralisme de la liberté O pluralismo da liberdade Der pluralismus der freiheit The power in money El poder en el dinero Le pouvoir en argent O poder do dinheiro Die macht im geld The prince El príncipe Le prince O príncipe Der prinz The private justice alternative La alternativa de la justicia privada L’alternative de justice privée A alternativa da justiça privada Die alternative zur privaten justiz The problem of environmental protection El problema de la protección del medio ambiente Le problème de la protection de l’environnement O problema da proteção ambiental Das problem des umweltschutzes The production of security La producción de seguridad La production de sécurité A produção de segurança Die produktion von sicherheit The real curriculum of “public” education El currículum real de la educación “pública” Le véritable curriculum de l’éducation “publique” O currículo real da educação “pública” Der eigentliche lehrplan der “öffentlichen” bildung The rule of law without the state El estado de derecho sin el estado L’état de droit sans l’état O estado de direito sem o estado Rechtsstaatlichkeit ohne staat The sacred green cow La sagrada vaca verde La vache verte sacrée A vaca verde sagrada Die heilige grüne kuh The second question La segunda pregunta La deuxième question A segunda questão Die zweite frage The state El estado L’état O estado Der staat The state cannot protect the environment — markets can El estado no puede proteger el medio ambiente — los mercados pueden L’État ne peut pas protéger l’environnement — les marchés peuvent O estado não pode proteger o meio ambiente — os mercados podem Der staat kann die umwelt nicht schützen — märkte können The state: Human parasite El estado: Parásito humano L’état: Parasite humain O estado: Parasita humano Der staat: Menschlicher parasit The stateless society La sociedad sin estado La société apatride A sociedade apátrida Die staatenlose gesellschaft The stateless society strikes back La sociedad apátrida contraataca La société apatride riposte A sociedade apátrida ataca Die staatenlose gesellschaft schlägt zurück The state’s education monopoly increases prices and destroys choice El monopolio educativo del estado aumenta los precios y destruye las opciones Le monopole de l’état sur l’éducation fait augmenter les prix et détruit le choix O monopólio da educação do estado aumenta os preços e destrói a escolha Das staatliche bildungsmonopol erhöht die preise und zerstört die wahlmöglichkeiten The statist mindset of anarchists La mentalidad estatista de los anarquistas La mentalité étatiste des anarchistes A mentalidade estatista dos anarquistas Die statistische denkweise der anarchisten The stone mover El motor de piedra Le déménageur de pierre O movedor de pedra Der steinmacher The Supreme Court case that gave the federal government nearly unlimited power El caso de la Corte Suprema que otorgó al gobierno federal un poder casi ilimitado L’affaire de la Cour suprême qui a donné au gouvernement fédéral un pouvoir presque illimité O caso da Suprema Corte que deu ao governo federal poderes quase ilimitados Der Fall des Obersten Gerichtshofs, der der bundesregierung nahezu unbegrenzte macht verlieh The theology of statism La teología del estatismo La théologie de l’étatisme A teologia do estatismo Die theologie des statismus The tragedy of political government La tragedia del gobierno político La tragédie du gouvernement politique A tragédia do governo político Die tragödie der politischen regierung The trouble with bureaucracy El problema con la burocracia Le problème avec la bureaucratie O problema com a burocracia Das problem mit der bürokratie The true history of ethics La verdadera historia de la ética La vraie histoire de l’éthique A verdadeira história da ética Die wahre geschichte der ethik The truth about anarchism La verdad sobre el anarquismo La vérité sur l’anarchisme A verdade sobre o anarquismo Die wahrheit über den anarchismus The unconstitutionality of the Constitution La inconstitucionalidad de la Constitución L’inconstitutionnalité de la Constitution A inconstitucionalidade da Constituição Die verfassungswidrigkeit der Verfassung The unprotected class La clase desprotegida La classe non protégée A classe desprotegida Die ungeschützte klasse The value of money El valor del dinero La valeur de l’argent O valor do dinheiro Der wert des geldes The voluntaryist spirit El espiritu voluntario L’esprit bénévole O espírito voluntário Der freiwillige geist The war prayer La oración de guerra La prière de guerre A oração de guerra Das kriegsgebet The why of homeschool El porqué de la educación en el hogar Le pourquoi de l’école-maison O porquê do homeschool Das warum der homeschool The world’s biggest oxymoron El oxímoron más grande del mundo Le plus grand oxymore du monde O maior oxímoro do mundo Das größte oxymoron der welt There’s no government like no government No hay gobierno como ningún gobierno Il n’y a pas de gouvernement comme aucun gouvernement Não há governo como nenhum governo Es gibt keine regierung wie keine regierung These cages are only for beasts Estas jaulas son solo para bestias Ces cages sont réservées aux bêtes Essas gaiolas são apenas para animais Diese käfige sind nur für bestien This is a government war Esta es una guerra del gobierno Ceci est une guerre gouvernementale Esta é uma guerra do governo Dies ist ein regierungskrieg This is why government should not be involved in health care Es por eso que el gobierno no debe involucrarse en la atención médica C’est pourquoi le gouvernement ne devrait pas être impliqué dans les soins de santé É por isso que o governo não deve se envolver na saúde Aus diesem grund sollte die regierung nicht in die gesundheitsversorgung einbezogen werden Thomas Sowell on politicians Thomas Sowell sobre los políticos Thomas Sowell sur les politiciens Thomas Sowell sobre políticos Thomas Sowell über politiker Thoughts on punishment Pensamientos sobre el castigo Réflexions sur la punition Pensamentos sobre punição Gedanken zur bestrafung Time to divorce marriage and government Hora de divorciarse del matrimonio y el gobierno Il est temps de divorcer du mariage et du gouvernement Hora de se divorciar do casamento e do governo Zeit, sich von ehe und regierung scheiden zu lassen Travel and labour should be peaceful Los viajes y el trabajo deberían ser pacíficos Les voyages et le travail doivent être pacifiques Viagens e trabalho devem ser pacíficos Reisen und arbeit sollten friedlich sein Truth or illusion Verdad o ilusión Vérité ou illusion Verdade ou ilusão Wahrheit oder illusion Understanding religion as child abuse Entendiendo la religión como abuso infantil Comprendre la religion comme un abus envers les enfants Entendendo a religião como abuso infantil Religion als kindesmissbrauch verstehen Utilities Utilidades Utilitaires Utilidades Dienstprogramme Vectoriser Vectoriser Vectoriser Vectoriser Vectoriser Vices are not crimes Los vicios no son crímenes Les vices ne sont pas des crimes Vícios não são crimes Laster sind keine verbrechen Videos Videos Videos Videos Videos Voice Memos Voice Memos Voice Memos Voice Memos Voice Memos Voluntary arrangements are essential to social trust and independence Los arreglos voluntarios son esenciales para la confianza social y la independencia Les arrangements volontaires sont essentiels à la confiance sociale et à l’indépendance Arranjos voluntários são essenciais para a confiança e independência social Freiwillige vereinbarungen sind für soziales vertrauen und unabhängigkeit von wesentlicher bedeutung Vote Nobody Votar Nadie Votez Personne Votar em Ninguém Stimmen sie Niemanden ab War Guerra Guerre Guerra Krieg War is a racket — made by government La guerra es una raqueta — hecha por el gobierno La guerre est une raquette — faite par le gouvernement A guerra é uma raquete — feita pelo governo Krieg ist ein schläger — von der regierung gemacht Weather Weather Weather Weather Weather What are first principles? ¿Qué son los primeros principios? Quels sont les premiers principes? Quais são os primeiros princípios? Was sind erste prinzipien? What are the major debates between anarchists? What are the recurring arguments? ¿Cuáles son los principales debates entre anarquistas? ¿Cuáles son los argumentos recurrentes? Quels sont les débats majeurs entre anarchistes? Quels sont les arguments récurrents? Quais são os principais debates entre anarquistas? Quais são os argumentos recorrentes? Was sind die hauptdebatten zwischen anarchisten? Was sind die wiederkehrenden argumente? What are the myths of socialism? ¿Cuáles son los mitos del socialismo? Quels sont les mythes du socialisme? Quais são os mitos do socialismo? Was sind die mythen des sozialismus? What are the myths of statism? ¿Cuáles son los mitos del estatismo? Quels sont les mythes de l’étatisme? Quais são os mitos do estatismo? Was sind die mythen des statismus? What big government is all about De que se trata el gran gobierno Qu’est-ce que le grand gouvernement? O que é grande governo Worum geht es in der groben regierung? What criticisms have been made of anarchism? ¿Qué críticas se han hecho al anarquismo? Quelles critiques ont été faites à l’anarchisme? Que críticas foram feitas ao anarquismo? Welche kritik wurde am anarchismus geäußert? What determines the value of money? Qué determina el valor del dinero? Qu’est-ce qui détermine la valeur de l’argent? O que determina o valor do dinheiro? Was bestimmt den wert des geldes? What does libertarian mean? ¿Qué significa libertario? Que signifie libertaire? O que significa libertário? Was bedeutet libertär? What has government done to our money ¿Qué ha hecho el gobierno a nuestro dinero? Qu’est-ce que le gouvernement a fait à notre argent O que o governo fez com o nosso dinheiro Was hat die regierung mit unserem geld gemacht? What if charity replaced taxation? Y si la caridad reemplazara los impuestos? Et si la charité remplaçait la fiscalité? E se a caridade substituísse a tributação? Was wäre, wenn die wohltätigkeit die besteuerung ersetzen würde? What is anarchism? What beliefs do anarchists share? ¿Qué es el anarquismo? ¿Qué creencias comparten los anarquistas? Qu’est-ce que l’anarchisme? Quelles croyances les anarchistes partagent-ils? O que é anarquismo? Quais crenças os anarquistas compartilham? Was ist anarchismus? Welche überzeugungen teilen anarchisten? What is anarchism? [01/14] ¿Qué es el anarquismo? [01/14] Qu’est-ce que l’anarchisme? [01/14] O que é anarquismo? [01/14] Was ist anarchismus? [01/14] What is anarchism? [02/14] ¿Qué es el anarquismo? [02/14] Qu’est-ce que l’anarchisme? [02/14] O que é anarquismo? [02/14] Was ist anarchismus? [02/14] What is anarchism? [03/14] ¿Qué es el anarquismo? [03/14] Qu’est-ce que l’anarchisme? [03/14] O que é anarquismo? [03/14] Was ist anarchismus? [03/14] What is anarchism? [04/14] ¿Qué es el anarquismo? [04/14] Qu’est-ce que l’anarchisme? [04/14] O que é anarquismo? [04/14] Was ist anarchismus? [04/14] What is anarchism? [05/14] ¿Qué es el anarquismo? [05/14] Qu’est-ce que l’anarchisme? [05/14] O que é anarquismo? [05/14] Was ist anarchismus? [05/14] What is anarchism? [06/14] ¿Qué es el anarquismo? [06/14] Qu’est-ce que l’anarchisme? [06/14] O que é anarquismo? [06/14] Was ist anarchismus? [06/14] What is anarchism? [07/14] ¿Qué es el anarquismo? [07/14] Qu’est-ce que l’anarchisme? [07/14] O que é anarquismo? [07/14] Was ist anarchismus? [07/14] What is anarcho–capitalism? What is anarcho–communism? What is authoritarian capitalism? What is authoritarian socialism? What is authority? ¿Qué es la autoridad? Qu’est-ce que l’autorité? O que é autoridade? Was ist autorität? What is centrism? ¿Qué es el centrismo? Qu’est-ce que le centrisme? O que é centrismo? Was ist zentrismus? What is communism? What is conservatism? What is corporatism? What is democratic socialism? What is exploitation? ¿Qué es la explotación? Qu’est-ce que l’exploitation? O que é exploração? Was ist ausbeutung? What is fascism? What is Georgism? What is international socialism? What is liberalism? What is libertarian capitalism? What is libertarian socialism? What is Marxism? What is minarchism? What is mutualism? What is national socialism? What is neo–conservatism? What is neo–liberalism? What is progressivism? What is property? ¿Qué es la propiedad? Qu’est-ce que la propriété? O que é propriedade? Was ist eigentum? What is social democracy? What is socialism? What is syndicalism? What is the free market? ¿Qué es el mercado libre? Qu'est-ce que le marché libre? O que é o mercado livre? Was ist der freie markt? What is the proper way to study man? ¿Cuál es la forma correcta de estudiar al hombre? Quelle est la bonne façon d’étudier l’homme? Qual é a maneira correta de estudar o homem? Was ist der richtige weg, um den menschen zu studieren? What justifications are there for anarcho-capitalism? ¿Qué justificaciones hay para el anarcocapitalismo? Quelles justifications y a-t-il pour l’anarcho-capitalisme? Quais são as justificativas para o anarco-capitalismo? Welche rechtfertigungen gibt es für den anarcho-kapitalismus? What major subdivisions may be made among anarchists? ¿Qué subdivisiones importantes se pueden realizar entre los anarquistas? Quelles subdivisions majeures peuvent être faites parmi les anarchistes? Quais subdivisões principais podem ser feitas entre os anarquistas? Welche hauptunterteilungen können unter anarchisten vorgenommen werden? What moral justifications have been offered for anarchism? ¿Qué justificaciones morales se han ofrecido al anarquismo? Quelles justifications morales ont été proposées pour l’anarchisme? Que justificativas morais foram oferecidas para o anarquismo? Welche moralischen rechtfertigungen wurden für den anarchismus angeboten? What other anarchist viewpoint are there? ¿Qué otro punto de vista anarquista hay? Quel autre point de vue anarchiste existe-t-il? Que outro ponto de vista anarquista existe? Welchen anderen anarchistischen standpunkt gibt es? What seventeenth century England’s state church had in common with today’s school systems Lo que la iglesia estatal de Inglaterra del siglo XVII tenía en común con los sistemas escolares actuales Ce que l’Église d’État britannique du XVIIe siècle avait en commun avec les systèmes scolaires actuels O que a igreja estatal da Inglaterra do século XVII tinha em comum com os sistemas escolares de hoje Was die englische staatskirche im 17 jahrhundert mit den heutigen schulsystemen gemeinsam hatte When is government a legitimate authority? ¿Cuándo es el gobierno una autoridad legítima? Quand le gouvernement est-il une autorité légitime? Quando o governo é uma autoridade legítima? Wann ist die regierung eine legitime autorität? Who are the major anarchist thinkers? ¿Quiénes son los principales pensadores anarquistas? Qui sont les principaux penseurs anarchistes? Quem são os principais pensadores anarquistas? Wer sind die wichtigsten anarchistischen denker? Who’s really being naive? ¿Quién es realmente ingenuo? Qui est vraiment naïf? Quem está realmente sendo ingênuo? Wer ist wirklich naiv? Who’s the Scrooge? Libertarians and compassion ¿Quién es el Scrooge? Libertarios y compasión Qui est le Scrooge? Libertariens et compassion Quem é o Scrooge? Libertários e compaixão Wer ist der Scrooge? Libertäre und mitgefühl Why should one consider anarchism in the first place? ¿Por qué debería uno considerar el anarquismo en primer lugar? Pourquoi devrait-on envisager l’anarchisme en premier lieu? Por que alguém deveria considerar o anarquismo em primeiro lugar? Warum sollte man überhaupt über anarchismus nachdenken? Why should one consider anarcho-capitalism? ¿Por qué debería uno considerar el anarcocapitalismo? Pourquoi envisager l’anarcho-capitalisme? Por que se deve considerar o anarco-capitalismo? Warum sollte man den anarchokapitalismus in betracht ziehen? Why socialism causes pollution Por qué el socialismo causa contaminación Pourquoi le socialisme cause la pollution Por que o socialismo causa poluição Warum sozialismus umweltverschmutzung verursacht Why this spek? ¿Por qué este spek? Pourquoi ce spek? Por que esse spek? Warum diese spek? Why war? Por qué la guerra? Pourquoi la guerre? Por que guerra? Warum krieg? Without firing a single shot Sin disparar un solo tiro Sans tirer un seul coup Sem disparar um único tiro Ohne einen einzigen schuss abzugeben You don’t own me No me tienes Tu ne m'appartiens pas Você não é meu dono Du besitzt mich nicht You don’t own other people No eres dueño de otras personas Vous ne possédez pas d’autres personnes Você não possui outras pessoas Sie besitzen keine anderen personen “Taxes are the price we pay to live in a civilised society” — or are they? “Los impuestos son el precio que pagamos por vivir en una sociedad civilizada” — o no? ”Les impôts sont le prix à payer pour vivre dans une société civilisée“ — ou le sont-ils? “Os impostos são o preço que pagamos para viver em uma sociedade civilizada” — ou não? ”Steuern sind der preis, den wir zahlen, um in einer zivilisierten gesellschaft zu leben“ — oder doch?





English


Español


Français


Português


Deutsche